Footnotes from the British Underground

The Democratic Moment...

2007-01-05T16:09:00.000Z

First off, Happy New Year! I'm in South Bend for the start of January, but back to Britain soon...

Yesterday's swearing in of the first-ever woman Speaker of the House was quite exciting, coupled with the Democrats' takover of Congress. These first weeks will be telling of whether the Dems will have the spine and soul to advance an bold egalitarian, humanitarian agenda or whether they'll backtrack to a politics of convenience. Let's hope the former wins out.

Somalia's UIC and Ethiopian Army "at War"

2006-12-21T16:17:00.000Z

The BBC is reporting this morning that war has truly broken out between Somalia's Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) and the Ethiopian Army. They report:

Fresh heavy fighting is reported near the weak Somali government's Baidoa base, amid fears conflict could plunge the entire Horn of Africa into crisis...Somalia's Deputy Defence Minister Salad Ali Jelle told reporters in Baidoa that 71 Islamic fighters had been killed and 221 injured so far during clashes in three locations.

This conflict does have the potential to explode, plunging the entire region into violence. Now more than ever, sensitive diplomacy is needed to withdraw Ethiopian troops out of Somalia and engage a political solution between the Transitional Government and UIC. Unfortunately, the larger and less nuanced frame of the "war on terror" may subvert any hope for such peace diplomacy.

Bush Admin. and Juba Peace Talks: Missing in Action

2006-12-19T00:35:00.000Z

We - Uganda-CAN - released a new policy brief this weekend, titled "The Bush Administra tion and the Juba Peace Process: Missing in Action." In it we write, "Negotiations currently taking place in Juba, Sudan to end the twenty year war between the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army and Government of Uganda offer the best chance ever to settle the conflict peacefully. Yet the United States Government, a strong partner of the Government of Uganda with far-reaching regional influence, has yet to definitively endorse the negotiations or to offer support to strengthen the prospects for the talks’ success." The brief outlines the four public statements made by U.S. State Department officials in six months, along with key recommendations for how the U.S. Government could best strengthen the peace process. Click here to read and download the full brief.

Remove the Humanitarian Veneer of "Peacekeeping" in Somalia

2006-12-19T00:14:00.000Z

I'm continuing to follow events in Somalia as hostility between the Ethiopian army and Union of Islamic Courts exchange threats and mobilize for war. Matt Bryden of ICG has an excellent analysis on CSIS Africa Policy Forum of how Washington's current policy is only exacerbating this conflict. Below is a draft Op/Ed piece on the topic that I was working on last week:

Remove the Humanitarian Veneer of Peacekeeping in Somalia

Somalia is on the fast track to becoming the battlefield for the next proxy war of the ‘global war on terror.’ Last week, the UN Security Council voted to authorize an 8,000-strong regional peacekeeping force into Somalia to protect the weak Transitional Federal Government against the growing Union of Islamic Courts. At first glance, it would seem that emerging international momentum to prevent Somalia’s arising conflicts is a positive development. However, removing the thin humanitarian veneer, it becomes clear that U.S. insistence on deploying international peacekeepers is more about geopolitics than peace. Consequently, we should not be surprised if, just as in Iraq, the situation quickly spirals out of control.

Since 9/11, the U.S. military has become increasing engaged in the Horn of Africa, declaring it a new front line in the war on terror. The Combined Joint Task Force in the Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), a military unity of the U.S. Central Command based in Djibouti, now comprises thousands of personnel, including special operation forces. Somalia has been a main focus of CJTF-HOA, due to both its strategic proximity to the Middle East and its vulnerability to al-Qaeda and other terrorists. In May of this year, it was uncovered that the U.S. was secretly backing warlords in Mogadishu to stop certain a coalition of Islamic groups from taking control.

This summer, the U.S. fears came true as the Union of Islamic Courts defeated Mogadishu’s warlords and emerged in control of the capital city. Since then, Somalia has been a top priority of the State Department and the U.S. mission at the UN. At the Security Council, the U.S. has urged a lifting of the arms embargo imposed on Somalia in 1992 to allow for the arming of the transitional government. It further drafted Resolution 1725, which passed last week, authorizing a Chapter VII force to “stabilize” the country. The Union of Islamic Courts, growing in popularity by their resistance, have vowed to fight any peacekeepers--“foreign invaders” as they see it--that enter their territory.

The only government yet to commit troops for the peacekeeping force is Uganda, which first raises controversy because Kampala is already accused of failing its responsibility to protect its own civilians caught in the brutal 21-year war in the north. However, Uganda’s close ties with the U.S. make it a natural pick for this role. The U.S. has been training and equipping Ugandan special forces. Uganda was further accused of violating Somalia’s arms embargo in a UN report released last month.

A second country named in that report and also a strong historic ally of the U.S. is Ethiopia. Resolution 1725 bans neighboring countries from participating in the peacekeeping force, yet Ethiopia already has troops within Somalia’s borders. Last month, thousands of Ethiopian troops crossed into and have remained in the southwest part of the country to protect the transitional government. The Islamists in Mogadishu have given them a week to leave or face “major attack.”

It is not hard to imagine scenarios where this could quickly spiral the entire region into war. In that sense, the international community is right to focus its attention and resources on securing peace. However, the problem is that this peacekeeping force will likely do more to undermine peace than keep it. Perceived as a U.S. invasion, the Islamic militias will fight back and are already gaining local and international support from their anti-hegemonic resistance. Just as in Iraq, a sense of occupation will fuel radicalization. Most significantly, the “military solution” has already derailed efforts to establish a peace process toward a power-sharing government of national unity.

If the U.S. is really committed to stability in Somalia, we should learn lessons from our ongoing experience in Iraq, namely that geopolitics and peace don’t mix. John Prendergast (Boston Globe, 29 November) argues that the U.S. could best contribute to peace by employing targeted multilateral sanctions and strengthening the arms embargo. The U.S. could further rekindle diplomacy efforts to broker a political agreement between the parties. Rather than inciting resentment, such an approach could build good will and promote real stability that is essential to counter terrorism.

The worst legacy of the Bush Administration may be its articulation of a ‘humanitarian’ foreign policy, while choosing policy that undercuts established humanitarian principles. In Iraq, when the original justifications for war collapsed, the Administration repackaged its arguments on grounds of democracy promotion and humanitarianism. However, as we clearly see now, these claims were deceiving. In Somalia, the Bush Administration is going for round two, and the result will inevitably be the same. This will only further undercut our moral legitimacy in the world. Though, it’ll be easier to sell to the American people because this time there won’t be American men and women returning in body bags.

Humanitarianism Deceived in Somalia

2006-12-10T23:39:00.000Z

I'm still writing for the new Unwilling-or-Unable blog with GuluWalk founder/director Adrian Bradbury. Events surrounding Somalia over the last few days have been really troubling to me. The US pushed through a UN resolution for an African peacekeeping force to support the Transitional Federal Government against the Mogadishu-controlling Union of Islamic Courts. The Courts have said that they will fight any "peacekeepers" that enter their territory. Consequently, this move will likely undermine important efforts to reach a political solution and power-sharing government between the two groups. Here's some of what I wrote yesterday:

While the discourse is one of "peacekeeping," one does have not to be cynical to think that this action may be more about geo-strategic politics than peace. In fact, the US Government has been concerned for some time that Islamic forces could take control of the country. It was revealed in May of this year that the US has been secretly backing warlords in Mogadishu. Since the Islamic Courts took Mogadishu, Somalia has been the top Africa priority of the State Department and the US mission at the Security Council. The US has urged a lifting of the arms embargo imposed on Somalia in 1992. A report last month by the UN showed that major violations of the arms embargo had been committed by Uganda, Ethiopia and others. It is worth noting that dating back to the early 1990s, Uganda and Ethiopia have been strategic allies of the US in the region. As this new peacekeeping force is put together, some worry that the force will be committed more to securing US interests than promoting a political solution to the conflict.

Journeyin' North...

2006-12-10T23:14:00.000Z

It's been three weeks since I last posted on this blog. Jess came out a few weeks ago, and we traveled to the north of the country (Durham, Newcastle)...

Here we're at the stunning Durham Cathedral (above) on the River Wear, site of filming for the Harry Potter movies. Below is the massive Angel of the North, with me next to it...

Three Days of Southern Inspiration

2006-11-19T11:00:00.000Z

I just got back to Bradford from my travels in southern Wales and then Bristol.

Bristol is a spectacular city, and once-home to the famous political philosopher Edmund Burke who said: "All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing."

"What It Means to be an American During War"

2006-11-17T10:07:00.000Z

I'm in Swansea, Wales at the moment after presenting yesterday at the university here on "what it means to be an American during a time of war." Before I ship off to Cardiff and Bristol, I thought I'd post a few excerpts from my lecture:

"To really understand the depth of vulnerability that Americans felt after 9/11, you have to understand the historical context. Unlike most of Europe and even the vast majority of the world, modern Americans have had little to no experience of war on our own land. We certainly have violence in all its ugly forms, but little experience with what we might call “political violence” within our own borders. With the small exception of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, not since the 1941 attacks on Pearl Harbor during the Second World War had there been a foreign attack on American soil. And before that, we might have to go back as far as the U.S.-Mexican War from 1846-1848. The point being, the U.S., whether as a result of geography or foreign affairs, has maintained forms of isolationism."

"This was a time when the country wanted a duty, not a debate."

"As I’ve argued, in the vulnerability of tragedy, the tides of nationalism quickly and sharply define citizenship in terms of loyalty to the state and its protection. Hedges, Freud and others contend that this becomes synonymous with mass mobilization for war. Consequently, I want to argue here that the solution to or the transformation of this problematic phenomenon requires us to reclaim and reconceptualize democratic citizenship and its responsibilities."

"The question then is how to purify patriotism from the muck of nationalism in which it becomes entrapped during times of crisis and conflict."

"Let’s face it: with the rather small exception of those families – generally low-income and likely minority – that have lost loved ones in Iraq or Afghanistan, Americans have remained detached from the realities of war. Without a draft that forces middle-class and some upper-class kids (those who can’t or don’t buy their way out) to fight, the war remains almost unreal for the vast majority of American voters. Sure we are outraged in principle by torture in Abu Ghraib or the slaying of civilians in Haditha or reports that 655,000 Iraqis have been killed, but it doesn’t hit home. And Americans have been generally unwilling to act in response; to demand change or as Walzer puts it: 'do all we can to prevent or stop the war.'"

"After 9/11, it would be naïve to argue that the U.S. did not face great dilemmas. For example, how to secure justice and pursue accountability for atrocities, while transforming the socio-economic roots of political violence? Or how to confront real security threats without fueling new grievances or instigating greater instability? Yet, only loud voices that were willing to give simple answers were heard."

"The only hope I see for a solution or really protection against these horrors begins with a reconceptualization and a strengthening of democratic citizenship: a citizenship that distinguishes discerning patriotism from blind nationalism; a citizenship that takes responsibility for its government’s actions especially in war; a citizenship that demands nuance and cultivates a moral imagination. It ought to mean a lot more to be an American in a time of war. It ought to mean a ‘hell of a’ lot more to be any citizen in a world of war. Until we take that responsibility, that duty, seriously, we’re condemned to the same historical patterns of mass violence and atrocity."

How Barcelona Won My Hearts in Four Days...

2006-11-12T01:13:00.000Z

As promised, photos from Barcelona...beginning with me at the Sagrada Familia, and me drinking (lots of) excellent Spanish wine...

Next, here's me at the castle (and war museum) of Montijuic, which overlooks the majestic old town of Barcelona...

And the biggest surprise: Barcelona has my favorite coffee in the whole world: Dunkin Donuts!!!

More to come...

Rambling on Las Ramblas

2006-11-10T17:10:00.000Z

I've been spending the last three days here in Barcelona, and I'm convinced that it's about as close as a city can get to heaven on earth. The Mediterranean weather is perfect, the architecture is stunning, the restaurants are excellent, the wine is cheap and the people are so nice. Mark (my Canadian co-traveller) and I have visited the Picasso Museum, Gaudi's famous Sagrada Familia cathedral, the Barcelona Cathedral, the Montjuic Castle, the famous Las Ramblas street and more. Photos coming on Sunday.

Unwilling or Unable?

2006-11-07T02:32:00.000Z

I've just started contributing to a new blog, Unwilling-or-Unable, which "tosses the idea of the international 'responsibility to protect' on the table and asks: Will we ever find the political will to live up to our commitment to 'prevent, react and rebuild' in the face genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity?" The blog was started by my friend and GuluWalk founder/director, Adrian Bradbury.

I actually just posted two new entries, so check them out:
To Intervene or Not to Intervene in Darfur?
Humanitarian Intervention NOW in Iraq

I'm off to Barcelona for the next few days, but hope to post some photos and anecdotes...

Is Saddam Death Sentence Meaningful Justice for Iraqis or Just More Politicking?

2006-11-05T23:46:00.000Z

The Swa mp, the Chicago Tribune's news blog, reports today on Saddam Hussein's death sentence and questions whether this will be a boost for the GOP in the final days before Tuesday's midterm elections. The Swamp reports:

President Bush, calling the death sentence of Saddam Hussein 'a milestone' in the development of a free government in Iraq, said today that the 'rule of law' has replaced 'the rule of a tyrant,' and this never would have been possible without the 'sacrifice' of American forces...Nevertheless, the verdict and the way that Bush is playing it underscore the potentially decisive role that the war in Iraq itself will play in this week's elections – and Bush will be mentioning the verdict at campaign stops today, the White House says.

Of course we all want to see Saddam face justice for commiting war crimes and crimes against humanity, but I can't help but think how the politics of this all trumps a meaningful justice. First, it is indisputable that the death sentence will stir new resentment among some sections of the Iraqi population, giving fuel to the soaring levels of violence and sectarian killing. Second, this trial seems quite bizarre in the context of Iraq's current anarchic state. I have to wonder how much of it was about a meaningful justice for Iraqis, and how much was simply about entrenching the new Iraqi regime and self-congratulating politicking by the Bush Adminstration?

I spoke with an Iraqi woman today who asked me when President Bush will stand his trial. She was visibly angry and said this was just a staged act to overshadow the overwhelming violence throughout Iraq.

Amnesty Intern ational has also condemned the use of the death sentence. The use of the death sentence is particularly volatile and reeks of revenge, not justice or rule or law.

So I guess my point is that President Bush should pause before he immediately uses this in his stump speeches over the next two days. The American people are not naive enough to believe that the execution of one man is worth 655,000 Iraqi war deaths, increases in Middle East extremism, and the U.S. military overextended and caught in a Vietnam-like quagmire with no near exit strategy.

The Guardian: UK Voters Believe Bush is Greater Danger than Kim Jong-il and Ahmadinejad

2006-11-03T10:56:00.000Z

As US voters prepare to go to the polls next Tuesday, an international survey shows that British voters see George Bush as a greater danger to world peace than either the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-il, or the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The survey was carried out by the Guardian in Britain and leading newspapers in Israel (Haaretz), Canada (La Presse and Toronto Star) and Mexico (Reforma), using professional local opinion polling in each country.

In Britain, 69% of those questioned say they believe US policy has made the world less safe since 2001, with only 7% thinking action in Iraq and Afghanistan has increased global security. 62% of Canadians and 57% of Mexicans said the world has become more dangerous because of US policy.

President Bush is outranked only by Osama bin Laden in all four countries, but runs the al-Qaida leader close in the eyes of UK voters: 87% think the al-Qaida leader is a great or moderate danger to peace, compared with 75% who think this of Mr. Bush.

John Edwards Urges "End to Uganda Nightmare"

2006-10-31T17:32:00.000Z

John Edwards, former North Carolina senator and the 2004 Democratic vice presidential nominee (and likely 2008 presidential contender) has written a powerful Op/Ed in today's Washington Post, urging U.S. support for the fragile Juba peace talks. Edwards visited northern Uganda over the summer and was deeply touched by meeting survivors of the 20-year war.

Edwards writes, "At a moment of tremendous global hardship -- from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the killing fields of Darfur -- it is rare to find hope. So when there is the possibility for peace, we must seize it. That's why one of the world's great tragedies, the conflict in Northern Uganda, deserves our attention."

He urges the US and international community to publicly support the ongoing peace talks, to offer assistance to the mediating Government of South Sudan, and to make clear their financial commitment to supporting post-conflict needs.

Edwards concludes, "In a world of unending troubles for the United States, few would argue that Northern Uganda's future is among the most urgent strategic challenges. But our actions in coming weeks will be a critical test of our global leadership. How we act -- and if and how we lead -- will send a message throughout Africa and the rest of the world about what America stands for. We must not sit idly by as Uganda's people strive for peace."

His likability for 2008 certainly just went up about ten points in my book. This is true global leadership: something the country could really learn and grow from...

UN Initiates Conventional Arms Trade Agreement

2006-10-27T13:53:00.000+01:00

Great news today that a United Nations committee has voted overwhelmingly (139 in favor, 24 abstentions, 1 vote against notably by the USA) to begin work on drawing up an international arms trade treaty. The hope is to close loopholes in existing laws that allow guns to still end up in conflict zones, like northern Uganda and Sudan. It could further stop the supply of arms to countries with excessive military spending that is hampering their socio-economic development.

This vote comes after a brilliant report this month by Oxfam and other international agencies, titled "Arms Without Borders: Global Arms Industry Exploiting Major Loopholes in Arms Regulations."

Sir Horatio Nelson Lives!

2006-10-24T23:15:00.000+01:00

Did you know that Saturday was the 201st anniversary of the Battle of Trafalgar?

I found that out on Saturday when these 3 British gentlemen of the Horatio Nelson Society laid wreaths in front of this statue and vowed their lives for his cause. Brits certainly have a sense of history! This is actually the oldest statue of Nelson in all of England; located in the heart of Birmingham.

Walking for Uganda in Birmingham.

2006-10-23T00:50:00.000+01:00

Just returned from a splendid weekend in Birmingham (note: the 'h' is not pronounced), Britain's second largest city...
I stayed with two other Marshall Scholars - Adam and Kent - both studying at Univ. of Birmingham. Top notch guys. The picture to the right is of us in front of the famous Birmingham Bull.

The main reason for my trip was to participate in Birmingham's GuluWalk; one of 82 cities in 15 different countries on Saturday that had over 50,000 walking for the children of northern Uganda.And here are two photos (more to come) from the walk. One of me and the new woman MP from Amuru District in northern Uganda (right) and the other of our group walking through the streets of Birmingham on Saturday (left).

US Govt. Continued Silence on Opportunity to Help End 20-Year War in Uganda

2006-10-18T21:25:00.000+01:00

I wanted to post here a blog entry from UgandaCAN.org that I think is absolutely critical -

"As we reported yesterday, the United Kingdom has pledged $469,043 in support of the Juba peace talks. This pledge of support for the talks will be a major help to the peace process and is also an important show of commitment to the people of northern Uganda. Thusfar, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden have also made contributions to the Juba Initiative Fund in support of these critical peace talks. The Netherlands has pledged $1,142,132; Norway $247,170 and Sweden $960,219. However, the only other major donor to Uganda, the United States government, has yet to pledge any support for the Juba peace talks. U.S. public support for the talks would be extremely helpful to build confidence, hold the parties accountable and aid technical needs, such as monitoring the cessation of hostilities agreement. U.S. continued silence on these talks calls into question the statement by the White House that ending the war by the end of 2006 is a priority for the Bush Administration. There is still a deficit of $1.98 million to the UN Juba Initiative Fund; we urge the U.S. to fill that deficit and publicly support this critical opportunity to end the 20-year war in northern Uganda"

An Attempt to be Artistic in Leeds

2006-10-18T20:51:00.000+01:00

I wrote earlier that I was at the Leeds Museum last weekend...

...I really thought this would be a cool shot of me getting interactive with this unnamed (and not really that impressive) sculpture...but oh well, here's me in Leeds trying to be artsy.

1 Serious Absentee Ballot to Cross the Atlantic

2006-10-16T18:41:00.000+01:00

Got my absentee ballot in the mail today...

Deval Patrick, you've got one very serious vote coming straight from the moors of West Yorkshire. God, I get such a civic thrill from voting! Must be from my old Rock the Vote glory days...or maybe my Massachusetts "commonwealth" upbringing...

Happy Diwali!

2006-10-16T01:52:00.000+01:00

Traveled yesterday with a few lads from the peace studies program to Leeds: an awesome city. On our way back, we saw lights and followed, ending up in front of Bradford's City Hall...

The Victorian building was lit up for Diwali, the annual Hindi/Indian holiday of the festival of lights. Apparently it's quite a celebration!

A Brilliant Trip Back to the US Capital...

2006-10-13T00:03:00.000+01:00

"Donning yellow and orange T-shirts, 700 activists from across the country pressed legislators and Capitol Hill staffers yesterday on the need for high-level American involvement to bring peace to northern Uganda, a region that has experienced wartime atrocities, abductions of children and widespread displacement for more than 20 years..."
READ the full story from Wednesday's Washington Post.

Notes from the Margins of Manchester...

2006-10-05T22:28:00.000+01:00

I'm writing now from at the Britannia Hotel in Hale (a suburb of Manchester) where I'm spending the night; I'm flying off early tomorrow morning back to Washington D.C. for the Northern Uganda Lobby Day and Symposium that we've been working on for the last six months. Michael's done a helluva job, and it looks to be a truly special and hopefully impactive couple of days. But to be honest, I'm most excited to see old friends and colleagues...and especially a certain visitor from South Bend whom I'll be spending the weekend with. And finally of course, I'm excited to get back to my favorite Washington pub: the Ghana Cafe!

The last week in Bradford has been more or less stable and ordinary; a nice change from the madness of the first week. As I mentioned in an earlier blog entry, Bradford is a remarkably diverse town with people and communities from all over the globe. In particular, it has large Middle Eastern and South Asian communities...and its well known across Britain as the land of the best curries. And after dinner last night at Kashmir Restaurant, I can testify to that. So even though it gets a bad rap for being small and industrial (wow, sounds like another place I went to college), it'll be a fascinating town to explore and experience for the year...

Yesterday, I went with other international students for tea with the Lord Mayor of Bradford City and a tour of the Town Hall Building. As you can see, it's has quite the architecture, making it the undisputed center of the city.

Three other quick notes:

1.) I'm officially a Liverpool fan.

2.) I'd take Gordon Brown over David Cameron for British PM any day of the week. Substance over style. Though of course a vibrant and competitive Liberal Democrat would be welcome...

3.) Even though, I expected it, I've been surprised by the level and intensity of anti-Americanism here among folks from the UK and elsewhere. With Iraq plunging deeper into civil war and Afghanistan continuing to unravel (in warlord competition to control the opium trade), people are blaming the US for a more unstable and unpeaceful world order. If the US is to regain its standing and reputation in the world as a principled power, we've got quite a task ahead of us in public diplomacy, humility and ultimately (my take): humanitarianism.

Finally Some Photos from London...

2006-09-28T22:22:00.000+01:00

Well my computer troubles continue, but I wanted to post a few photos from the Marshall orientation (in DC and London) and then my arrival at Bradford. I started classes here on Tuesday and I'm convinced now that graduate school is just a race to see who can read the most books. It's quite funny to see syllabi where the indicative texts are books written by my old professors and mentors at Notre Dame's Kroc Institute...

The peace studies masters program has 100 folks in it, from nearly 40 countries. It's pretty wild. But I've made a few friends and have been exploring Bradford, which is by the far most globally diverse place I've ever been...

To the right here is a photo of our Marshall Scholars group entering the British Foreign Minister's office for a reception.

To the left here, I'm standing with Steve from Chicago, who is studying archaeology at the University of Bristol. Really great guy, and we hung out a lot during last week. As you can see from my facial express, the week was pretty tiring.

And to my right, that is a shot of Westminister (and the famous Big Ben) from the London Eye, a massive ferris wheel that gives amazing views of the city. And you can see me on the Eye below.

And I'll end with a photo of the first sight I saw when I arrived north last Friday...

Arriving in England; Apologies for the Delay

2006-09-24T13:27:00.000+01:00

My apologies for not posting here over the last week. Unfortunately, I've had the damndest time connecting to the Internet first in London and now here in Bradford. I'm hoping to get that fixed by tomorrow or Tuesday at the latest. At which point, I have lots of anecdotes and photos to post...

The Marshall orientation was really striking. We heard speeches from Tom Friedman of the NY Times, former UK foreign minister Jack Straw, editor-in-chief of Newsweek Mark Whittaker, former under-sec. of state Rich Armitage and more. In London, we attended receptions at both the Parliament (at Westminister) and the Foreign Minister's office. The week presented more than enough food for thought, and quite a bit of political inspiration.

I've only been now in Bradford for two days, but I find it a fascinating place. It is one of the most globally diverse spots I've ever been too, with people and restaurants from all over the globe. And to more precise descriptions, I'll return in my next blog entry...Cheers!

WELCOME to my Blog; Photos to be Included

2006-09-14T17:14:00.000+01:00

If you're visiting this blog for the first time (or first time in a while), I'd advise you to first read my introduction entry.

As the blog heading says, "My hope is that this blog can be a conduit for you - my family, friends and secret/strange admirers - to track my movements, see a photo or two and get a glimpse of my days in the UK." I'll be posting lots of photos to accompany my inevitable rambling about politics, history and conflict, so I hope that'll make you more likely to visit...

Politics of Hope for Massachusetts: Deval Patrick

2006-09-14T16:40:00.000+01:00

I cast my vote yesterday in Massachusetts' contentious gubernatorial Democratic primary for Deval Patrick. All three candidates in the race have good ideas for the future of the state, but Patrick offers something unique: a movement for a politics of hope and citizen empowerment. In the last year, he's built a rarely seen broad-based grassroots movement that has united folks across the state and in his own words, "invited people who've checked out to check back in." Cut from the Barack Obama cloth, Patrick is about bringing a new spirit to politics. As my local newspaper put it, "To him, politics is not a zero-sum where one side wins by making the other side lose, and it's not about him. It's about us."

Patrick's story is also pretty damn inspiring. Born on the south side of Chicago, he won a scholarship from the elite Milton Academy and then Harvard (followed by Harvard Law). After working as a civil rights activist and organizer, he became the Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights during the Clinton Administration. He then joined the private sector and worked as a corporate lawyer.

If you haven't read or heard about Patrick yet, you'll be hearing about him soon. If you have a moment, check out his web site and be sure to watch a few of his speeches and television spots.

Let Peace and Justice Roll Forth in Northern Uganda

2006-09-14T16:02:00.000+01:00

As I prepare to set off for Great Britain, I can't help but think of what a wild ride it's been over the last 16 months with starting Uganda-CAN and trying to make some contribution to ending the brutal 20-year war in northern Uganda. It's been painful to witness the complex and overwhelming interests - economic, political, social and religious - that embed apathy and contribute to the intransigence of such neglected emergencies. And yet, it's been so inspiring to meet people of all walks of life whose stories have become intertwined in the work of peacebuilding and in our case, peace advocacy.

All of us involved are anxiously monitoring the historic peace talks underway in Juba, seeking ways to support this process and ensure that it can usher in lasting peace and security. The advent of the talks was a surprise to most of us, and their remarkable success (thusfar) unseen by any. And yet, I can't help but think of the passage from the Book of Amos that Dr. King quoted so often: "And let JUSTICE roll forth like the waters, and RIGHTEOUSNESS like a constant flowing torrent." There are so many moments of tragedy, and then, in the dust of our frustrations, waves of hope roll forth. Dr. King also had the famous quote: "The arc of a moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice."

For the people of northern Uganda, justice and peace are long overdue. They have endured the most horrific atrocities and inhumane conditions for two decades, neglected by their own government and the international community. Even against the despondency of their situation, I talked with people in Gulu and Lira that still hope and pray and struggle to overcome...

We're continuing our work with Uganda-CAN. If peace talks continue (and even reach an agreement), our role will change. However, the importance of keeping international eyes and ears to the crisis won't change anytime soon. With October's events - the Lobby Day and global GuluWalk 2006 - we're hoping to build momentum that can push for real engagement by the diplomatic community to make a lasting peace a real priority.

Be sure to check www.UgandaCAN.org now and again (and again) to see what we're up to and how you can be part of justice rolling forth like the waters here and in Uganda.

A Weekend of Sickness and Scrabble...

2006-09-13T23:06:00.000+01:00

I have been absent from blogging for two reasons. 1.) Mostly, I was mesmorized by a beautiful visitor from South Bend (Jess) and 2.) I fell sick as a dog with a cold over the weekend...

A few updates now, though, if I may...

1.) Notre Dame convincingly trumped Penn State last Saturday, to return to #2 in the AP Poll.

2.) If you want to check out a video blending my good friend Michael P., northern Uganda advocacy, right-wing Republican senators and southern California culture, check out the newly-released promo video for our Northern Uganda Lobby Day and Symposium (set for October 9-10 in Washington DC).

3.) I had greatly wanted to write a blog entry in response to President Bush's address to the nation on Monday night, yet sleep beat out my desire for vitriolic ranting. However, a friend sent me a video of Keith Olbermann of MSNBC, commenting on the legacy of 9/11 and how our country has changed since that tragic day five years ago. I highly recommend making 8 minutes to watch this brilliant commentary.

4.) Jess beat me in 3 of 4 Scrabble games over the weekend, but I did have one victory with a record high 340 points, bolstered by my use of all my letters to make the word "squirrel." A big success!

5.) Three days until I'm off to England and can finally do justice to the new title of this blog...

Mis-History: The Republican Strategy in 2006

2006-09-07T00:48:00.000+01:00

With the passing of Labor Day weekend, mid-term election campaign season is underway. According to a New York Times article this Sunday, the Republican electoral strategy will boil down to the two T's the party has used since 2002: "turnout and terrorism." And with the latter, the Bush Administration have been striving to draw historical ties that call upon our greatest fears and our most acute sense of patriotism. Comically and tragically, these ties are short on rigorous (or even basic) historical sensitivity. Here are a few examples I've noticed:

1.) "Islamo-fascist" - The Associated Press calls this the new "buzzword" for the Bush Administration in this election season. The idea, of course, is to draw parallels between the Iraq war and the fight against Nazism in World War II. Conservative bloggers have picked up on this language and used it pervasively.

2.) Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, recalling the missteps of former British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, has politely labeled any who would criticize the administration's policies as guilty of "appeasement" against a "new kind of fascism."

3.) Sec. of State Condoleezza Rice compared America's war in Iraq to the American Civil War, arguing that both were worth their struggles to free an enslaved people. Rice notes that there were many critics of both, folks who were wary of the value of the cause.

What's next: that America's war in Iraq is like the American Revolutionary War and that those who challenge the administration's policies are Tories?!? These statements by Bush Administration officials call on our worst sense of our national history; they distort complex narratives into oversimplified generalities. Their goal is simple too: to play on our fears of challenging authority, being on the wrong side of right and most of all, change.

And in the end, they're stripping away the fabric of an informed and meaningful American democracy. Their greatest fear is that we, the American electorate, will demand more. That we'll demand a serious interrogation of our current foreign policy; a serious inquiry into whether our involvement in Iraq is making us more secure.

Quick Updates: New York and Notre Dame

2006-09-06T03:35:00.000+01:00

I was in New York City for the end of last week and the weekend...a lovely stay with my old college posse: A. Jones, Jimmy K, MVP and Cassanova. We were mostly in Brooklyn, which I really found a fascinating place. I could most definitely see myself spending a year or two in the Big Apple (minus the obnoxious Yankee fans!).

Speaking of which, the Red Sox have won two in a row against the other Sox from Chicago.

And in a final bit of updates, Notre Dame won its first game 14-10 against the Yellow Jackets of G-Tech. A nail-biter, but we'll take the victory. Though, we dropped in the AP Poll from #2 to #4. Onward to Penn State (at home) this Saturday!

What's your worldview? Today on Chicago Public Radio...

2006-08-29T16:26:00.000+01:00

I'll be speaking today on Chicago Public Radio's Worldview program about the historic peace talks in Juba and the recent breakthrough cessation of hostilities between the Ugandan government and LRA. You can listen to the show live or archived at Worldview's web site.

3 Years Later, Darfur Atrocities Persist

2006-08-23T20:55:00.000+01:00

After three years of people calling for an end to the atrocities in Darfur, Sudan, the situation is still getting worse. The inaction by the U.S. government and others is pitiful given the depth of information and range of policy potential. In the International Herald Tribune earlier this week, John Prendergast and Nick Grono of the Crisis Group wrote a call to action to the U.S., titled "To halt Sudan's atrocities, follow the money." They write, "UN member states must change the calculus of self-interest for the Sudanese regime, and one of the most effective ways of doing this is to target its sources of illicit income and unravel the Sudanese leadership's shadowy web of commercial interests."

The Genocide Intervention Network has put together The Darfur Scorecard, which grades each Senator, Congressperson and state on how effectively (or ineffectively) they've worked to stop the atrocities. Not only is this a really cool site, but it's a remarkable tool for holding U.S. policymakers accountable.

I'll Be "Here on Earth" 4-5 EST Today

2006-08-21T15:03:00.000+01:00

Today, 4-5 PM EST, I'll be a guest on Wisconsin Public Radio's show "Here on Earth with Jean Feraca." The show will look at the historic peace talks underway between the Ugandan government and rebel Lord Resistance Army.

You can listen to the show live on the internet by going to www.hereonearth.org then clicking on the link called "Live Webcasting." To join the conversation, call 1-800-642-1234 or send an email to hereonearth@wpr.org. You'll also be able to access it later in the archive, by going to www.hereonearth.org and clicking on the link called "Archives."

I was on Jean's show in February, talking about the conflict in Uganda. Click here to listen to that show.

Looking for an exciting NYC roommate?

2006-08-17T16:01:00.000+01:00

In the market for a roommate? Have an apartment to rent?

If so, this man is looking for you. A future urbanista, he's got New York on his mind and will be arriving in a week. Currently home-less, he's anxious to find a safe place to lay his head. He'll be studying dance at New York University, starting this fall.

I can vouch that he's a gentle man with a sensitive eye and a keen brain. His interests include Thomas Aquinas, Italian wine and Democratic politics. He enjoys long nights at the pub, political pressure campaigns and the intentional comb over. He's excited to explore New York's finest neighborhoods and become a NYU Violet through and through.

Why Can't We?: Samantha Power's Brilliant Speech

2006-08-17T15:11:00.000+01:00

If I haven't forced you to read this already, you really need to read Samantha Power's 2006 Commencement Address at the Santa Clara Law School. It's absolutely brilliant! I thought I'd post a brief excerpt from it here, which I think rings even more true with recent events:

"In politics this refusal to face inconvenient truths carries life-and-death stakes. And yet only after 3,000 American lives were lost on 9/11 did it become evident that FBI agents had warned of the danger that terrorists would hijack American planes and fly them into tall buildings. Only after more than 800 Americans died in New Orleans and tens of thousands of lives were ruined did we go back and read the stellar reporting in the Times-Picayune and see that people had been yelling and screaming about the vulnerability of the levees for years. And only after gas prices hit $3 did George Bush begin talking about freeing the United States of its oil dependence and speeding up the production of hybrid cars. We have known about our energy crisis since the OPEC crunch of the 1970s. Why are we only now, suddenly, talking about rushing to mass-produce hybrid cars?

Samuel Johnson was most certainly right when he said, "Nothing focuses the mind quite like a hanging." But we can't afford to wait until we stand at the gallows to change the way we govern our country and live our lives. As individuals, as citizens, we have the power to focus our government's mind, to get resources allocated, to save lives. We have the power to concentrate the powers of the American imagination. This power comes through politics...But politics is too important to be left to the politicians. It is up to the rest of us to demand that our representatives are attentive to the human consequences of their decision-making. And that means making ourselves heard. It means using politics to trigger the imagination and to face inconvenient truths before a crisis strikes."

The MacBook Revolution Has Begun...

2006-08-15T21:44:00.000+01:00

I forgot to mention this in my one-year-updates blog entry, but I have a new best friend (computer) = a MacBook. Yeah, I made the transition from Gateway to Apple, and I couldn't be happier!

And in breaking news, my great Chicagoan friend James K. (to the left) also made the transition and purchased a MacBook. The revolution is upon us. Congratulations, Jimmy!

Campaign Update: Historic Peace Talks Underway

2006-08-15T04:57:00.000+01:00

I can't resist the chance to give a few updates from our work to help end the 2o-year war in northern Uganda...

In the last 2 months, the one-year-old Govt. of South Sudan has hosted and mediated historic peace talks between the Ugandan government and the Lord's Resistance Army rebels. The involvement of such a strategic third party mediator, coupled with mounting pressure on all parties to resolve the conflict, gives this process serious potential to succeed in both ending active violence and providing a framework to address deeper social and political grievances. Michael and I recently wrote an analysis of why we believe these talks are the best opportunity over a decade to end the war.

The stakes are high. The photo in the upper right is an aerial shot of the many displacement camps in northern Uganda, where a total of 1.7 million people are confined in the war-torn region. Because of the squalid conditions and crowding in the camps, 1,000 people are dying each week.

For peace talks to succeed (and the conflict to be transformed), there is great need for international support and endorsement of the process. Yet, the United States has been ambivalent toward the talks, missing opportunities to support this critical initiative. In March of this year, the State Department announced that ending the war before the end of 2006 was a priority of the Bush Administration. Supporting these talks would be a good start to that promise.

To raise the profile of this opportunity and press the U.S. toward more responsible policy, we've been trying to engage the media and stimulate discussion. Michael and I had an Op/Ed published last week in the Sudan Tribune and also Foreign Policy in Focus. We've submitted pieces to papers across the country, and next Monday, I'll be speaking on Wisconsin Public Radio.

Perhaps most importantly, we're organizing a historic Northern Uganda Lobby Day and Sympos i um to be held October 9-10 in Washington D.C. We're bringing together the foremost international experts on the crisis and hundreds of advocates across the country to "make some noise" about northern Uganda. The moment is critical to demand that our leaders act to help end one of the world's worst humanitarian nightmares.

One Year Later: From Uganda to the UK

2006-08-12T22:53:00.000+01:00

It's been over a year since I last wrote in this blog. In that one year, a lot has happened.

The far majority of my time has been spent working with the Uganda Conflict Action Network (Ugand a-CAN), a Washington D.C.-based campaign working for an end to the 20-year war in northern Uganda. To the left, you can see a photo of me with my two partners-in-that-crime, Michael Poffenberger and Stephen Okello. The three of us and many more have been working to get Americans to
care about the neglected crisis and take action.

You can see that the three of us are wearing GuluWalk shirts. GuluWalk Day 2005 had more than 15,000 people in 38 cities walking for the children of northern Uganda. GuluWalk Day 2006 (October 21, 2006) is set to be even bigger and is hoping to raise $1 million for the war-affected children. 10,000 people each raising $100 = $1 million. We're looking for 10,000 reasons for hope in northern Uganda. Are you one of them? Sign up to walk today!

As the work to end this tragic war continued, some other big things have happened in my life.

First and most importantly, I'm still spending as much of my time as I can with Jess (and as much as she's willing to spend with me). She's become my closest friend and been there through the thick and thin. She's brilliant, beautiful, and mostly a ton of fun.

Secondly, Jess and I (and about 1,998 others) graduated from the University of Notre Dame this May. After four years "under the dome," it was/is time to move on to the next thing.

And that next thing for me is graduate school in England; I was awarded a Marshall Scholarship. I'll be studying for a M.A. in International Politics and Security Studies at the University of Bradford. It's a fancy degree name (that's why I picked it!), but it really boils down to one question: how does the work of peacebuilding and conflict transformation intersect with the work of creating real and lasting "security" for individual and nation-states? In other words (I've become an addicted 24 fan this summer), can 24's Jack Bauer be/become a peacemaker? Not torturing everyone might be a good start...

So in preparation for my trip across the pond, I've been buying umbrellas, drinking pints and learning as much as I can about British football [soccer]. Bradford City has its own team - the Bantams - so you can expect to hear a bit about them over the next year.

My hope is that this blog can be a conduit for you - my family, friends and secret/strange admirers - to track my movements, see a photo or two and get a glimpse of my days in the UK. Apologies once again to Dostoevsky for the blog's name...

Sign Petition for Peace in Northern Uganda!

2005-08-02T18:42:00.000+01:00

It's been far too long since I last posted, but if you want to know what I have been up to, visit www.UgandaCAN.org.

Also, while you're there, be sure to sign the Petition for Peace that calls upon the Bush Administration and U.S. Congress to make the forgotten war of children in northern Uganda a moral priority. You can sign the petition here: http://www.ugandacan.org/petition.php

Finally, the death of John Garang, leader of the SPLM and recent Vice President of Sudan, is a tragic one for hopes of stability and peace in the region. With this death, it is critical that the international community begin to work for a comprehensive peace strategy that deals with the violence in southern Sudan, conflict in northern Uganda and genocide in Darfur together.

All Rock, No Action in Live-8 - New York Times

2005-07-16T20:11:00.000+01:00

From yesterday's New York Times -

All Rock, No Action
By JEAN-CLAUDE SHANDA TONME
Yaoundé, Cameroon

LIVE 8, that extraordinary media event that some people of good intentions in the West just orchestrated, would have left us Africans indifferent if we hadn't realized that it was an insult both to us and to common sense.

We have nothing against those who this month, in a stadium, a street, a park, in Berlin, London, Moscow, Philadelphia, gathered crowds and played guitar and talked about global poverty and aid for Africa. But we are troubled to think that they are so misguided about what Africa's real problem is, and dismayed by their willingness to propose solutions on our behalf.

We Africans know what the problem is, and no one else should speak in our name. Africa has men of letters and science, great thinkers and stifled geniuses who at the risk of torture rise up to declare the truth and demand liberty.

Don't insult Africa, this continent so rich yet so badly led. Instead, insult its leaders, who have ruined everything. Our anger is all the greater because despite all the presidents for life, despite all the evidence of genocide, we didn't hear anyone at Live 8 raise a cry for democracy in Africa.

Don't the organizers of the concerts realize that Africa lives under the oppression of rulers like Yoweri Museveni (who just eliminated term limits in Uganda so he can be president indefinitely) and Omar Bongo (who has become immensely rich in his three decades of running Gabon)? Don't they know what is happening in Cameroon, Chad, Togo and the Central African Republic? Don't they understand that fighting poverty is fruitless if dictatorships remain in place?

Even more puzzling is why Youssou N'Dour and other Africans participated in this charade. Like us, they can't help but know that Africa's real problem is the lack of freedom of expression, the usurpation of power, the brutal oppression.

Neither debt relief nor huge amounts of food aid nor an invasion of experts will change anything. Those will merely prop up the continent's dictators. It's up to each nation to liberate itself and to help itself. When there is a problem in the United States, in Britain, in France, the citizens vote to change their leaders. And those times when it wasn't possible to freely vote to change those leaders, the people revolted.

In Africa, our leaders have led us into misery, and we need to rid ourselves of these cancers. We would have preferred for the musicians in Philadelphia and London to have marched and sung for political revolution. Instead, they mourned a corpse while forgetting to denounce the murderer.

What is at issue is an Africa where dictators kill, steal and usurp power yet are treated like heroes at meetings of the African Union. What is at issue is rulers like François Bozizé, the coup leader running the Central Africa Republic, and Faure Gnassingbé, who just succeeded his father as president of Togo, free to trample universal suffrage and muzzle their people with no danger that they'll lose their seats at the United Nations. Who here wants a concert against poverty when an African is born, lives and dies without ever being able to vote freely?

But the truth is that it was not for us, for Africa, that the musicians at Live 8 were singing; it was to amuse the crowds and to clear their own consciences, and whether they realized it or not, to reinforce dictatorships. They still believe us to be like children that they must save, as if we don't realize ourselves what the source of our problems is.

Jean-Claude Shanda Tonme is a consultant on international law and a columnist for Le Messager, a Cameroonian daily, where a version of this article first appeared. This article was translated by The Times from the French.

Interviewed Today on Chicago Public Radio!

2005-07-06T07:10:00.000+01:00

Today, I was interviewed on Worldview, Chicago Public Radio's international news analysis program. The show focused mainly on the political developments regarding the Museveni's third-term and the July 28th referendum on the political system, but we also talked a bit about the conflict and importance of the international community in supporting the peace process. The audio feed should be available soon at: http://www.chicagopublicradio.org/programs/worldview/worldview.asp.

Urgent: Walk for Peace

2005-07-06T07:09:00.000+01:00

Two Canadians are refusing to be silent in the face of the plight of children in Uganda's two-decade war. They are walking nightly 12.5 kilometers to sleep in the streets of Toronto just as the thousands of child "night commuters" are forced to do in northern Uganda. They are asking for people to walk with them and sign their petition. Visit their website for more information. We hope Uganda-CAN can link with them and start walking with them as we work to give coverage and face to the unnecessary human suffering in Uganda.

African "Success Story" Gone Sour

2005-07-06T07:06:00.000+01:00

Salon.com reports today on the African "success story" gone sour with Uganda. For the last decade, the West, especially the United States government, has touted Uganda as a success in the war on terror, the war on HIV/AIDS and the war on protectionism. Yet, it appears the West should have and should now take a more discerning look at the current political system in Uganda that has fueled and perpetuated division, repression and conflict.

Uganda-CAN Website Expanded/Updated

2005-07-01T04:32:00.000+01:00

Check out the new expanded and updated Uganda Conflict Action Network website at www.ugandacan.org. The new site not only has an active working blog, but it also features the most recent news headlines about the conflict.

Also, as I mentioned, I spoke on the BBC Radio Five Live station in Britain on Tuesday night. You can access the recording from the Uganda-CAN website in the "Uganda-CAN in the News" section.

Dear G-8: Africa Needs Peace and Justice, Not Just Aid

2005-06-28T07:53:00.000+01:00

Tonight, I was on BBC News' late night show called "Up All Night," talking about the upcoming G-8 Summit and the realities of debt relief. I will hopefully paste the link to the show up here tomorrow, but I am a bit embarassed because I was quite nervous and consequently stumbled over my words at the beginning. Well, I finally found my groove and hit a few key points.

I thought I'd write some of my general thoughts here on the upcoming G-8 Summit --

When the G-8 convenes next month, I really believe they and we have a great opportunity to address human problems and suffering that has been neglected for far too long. Obviously, my hope is that the G-8 will commit to 100% debt relief and significant increases in non-military relief aid directed towards social sectors like health, education, sanitation and housing. However, if the G-8 simply does that, we ought to be very disappointed. The problems of sub-Saharan Africa today demand more than charity and relief, they demand peace and justice.

Today, in sub-Saharan Africa, more than 13 million people are internally-displaced and more than 9 million made refugees by war and genocide. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, nearly 4 million people have died over the past decade as a result of violence and civil war. More than 30,000 are dying monthly while the world forgets Congo. Of course, many of us have become familiar lately with the ongoing genocide in Darfur, yet so little action has been taken to pursue peace. Or in my own area of interest, the 19-year old war in northern Uganda has killed tens of thousands, displaced more than 1.6 million people and led to more than 25,000 children being abducted and forced into soldiering. Conflicts and violent instability persist in Somalia, Angola, Burundi, Ivory Coast and Zimbabwe among others.

Yet, when opportunities exist and continue to exist for the action to facilitate peace, the countries of the G-8 have been silent. Any aid to these countries has not been linked to progress by parties involved in peace processes.

Without resolving these conflicts and providing some sort of protection for the masses of displaced and destroyed by war, no amount of aid is going to solve the harsh circumstances of Africa. The G-8 must address the security needs and concerns of Africa.

Further, many of these conflicts have persisted as a result of geopolitics, military aid/alliances and arms trafficking driven by many of the countries who will sit at the summit to solve Africa’s problems. If you look at every single conflict on the African sub-continent, you can easily see how international, particularly Western involvement has benefited from fueling these wars. Whether it be the arms trade or the pursuit of highly-sought after resources such as diamonds, gold or oil, it is clear that many of the crises facing Africa today are global injustices.

Until the world is willing to walk humbly and speak honestly about these realities, justice will be evaded and Africa will continue to be haunted by the chains of colonial structures of exploitation and subjugation.

In the spirit of looking for justice not simply charity, the G-8 must recognize that much of the aid, trade and debt relief packages that have been given in the past and will be given in the present entrench corrupt, inept and inhumane political systems. Just think about it – by giving all of these benefits to existing regimes, the international bloc is actually enforcing and empowering those regimes. But what about those countries whose regimes shoot people in the face at protests, use child soldiers and embezzle monies that are supposed to fight AIDS?

The G-8 needs to realize that if it is going to give such aid – as it should given its complicity and responsibility in the face of such mass human suffering – then it must accept the responsibilities and obligations to be intelligent and targeting with that aid in the name of international values of human rights and human dignity.

---

In the coming weeks, we need to hear about the humanity of Africans, and consequently we need to hear about the humanity of Africa. So often we talk about Africa as this land of problems, horrors, suffering and darkness. And yet, it’s a land of bustling vitality and excitement and energy. Instead of seeing photos of kids starving to death, we need to see photos of kids kicking footballs and laughing and playing in the mud. We need to see families. We need to see marriages.

The African continent is only appropriately called the dark continent in that we know so little about it and its people. Not because it is difficult to know, but because we have never made it a priority to listen and learn.

Thus, our perceptions, the language we use enforces dependency theory where we dehumanize and delegitimize the dignity, power and knowledge of Africans whether then be in Nigeria, Angola or Uganda.

We need to start talking about justice, not charity. Solidarity not service. Brother and sisterhood. The ONE Campaign that Bono has championed is great in that its very name calls for that oneness between us – and yet I wonder how much the existing movements actually live and speak that oneness.

If the discussions surrounding the G-8 in these weeks do nothing more than tell us stories that humanize Africa, allowing us to go beyond the headlines and 400-word stories to connect with people oceans and continents away, it has done a hell of a job.

Uganda-CAN in Weekly Observer newspaper!

2005-06-26T16:48:00.000+01:00

The news of the advent of the Uganda Conflict Action Network continues to break as the Weekly Observer, an opposition-controlled weekly newspaper in Uganda, ran a story on our group. See the linked story.

LRA Attack in Pader District

2005-06-22T04:51:00.000+01:00

The linked news story tells of four Ugandans hacked to death by LRA rebels (probably 12-year old abducted child soldiers) and many more wounded in Pader District. These sobering stories highlight the stakes in northern Uganda, where such brutal killings have gone on since 1986.

Ugandan Newspaper Runs My Editorial on Uganda-CAN!!!

2005-06-21T05:04:00.000+01:00

After much pestering, The Monitor, the largest independent Ugandan newspaper, ran my Op/Ed piece, titled "Global Action Needed to End LRA War." It's pasted here, but you can see it at http://www.monitor.co.ug/oped/oped06215.php.

It all began with a little boy at Barr IDP camp. Three months ago, I made my first trip north over the Victoria Nile and into northern Uganda.

What I witnessed over the coming two months was a horrifying picture of unnecessary mass suffering that deeply moved me - a 19-year old war that has left tens of thousands of people maimed or killed, more than 20,000 children abducted and 1.6 million people displaced into camps of the most squalor conditions.

When the little boy in Barr IDP camp took my hand and refused to let go, I promised that I would refuse to forget all that I saw, heard and felt in the north.For far too long, the international community, especially my own government in the United States, has done the opposite: forgetting, ignoring and neglecting the gross human atrocities in northern Uganda.

Recent reports by the United Nations, Reuters AlertNet and Medicins Sans Frontiers place this conflict on top of their lists of the world's most forgotten crises. Over the years, the international community has failed to provide the necessary relief assistance and use its diplomatic power to push the Ugandan government to commit to ending the war.

This inaction has facilitated the maintenance of the status quo and has served to perpetuate violence.Silence in the face of such human agony is complicity. The time has come for the international community to use its influence to advocate, support and facilitate peace negotiations to end the war.

Special role

The US government, whose influence is perhaps greatest, has a special role to play in using its clout in both Kampala and Khartoum to support and facilitate such negotiations. Jan Egeland, the UN undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs, recently told the BBC that this is a historic chance to end the war. It is critical that this opportunity is not lost.

Recognising the opportunity and urgency for action to end the war, the Washington-based Africa Faith and Justice Network is launching the Uganda Conflict Action Network (Uganda-CAN) to press for the US government to advocate and support the peace process.

Uganda-CAN will work to build a grassroots campaign of ordinary, outraged citizens around the world to combat this unnecessary suffering and help bring peace and reconciliation to the Great Lakes Region.

Working closely with individuals and organizations on the ground in northern Uganda, Uganda-CAN will highlight the realities that are often suppressed, while pushing for action to contribute to ending this 19-year old war.

Together, we will work that the international community can no longer ignore such gross human tragedy. Visit the Uganda-CAN website at www.ugandacan.org to learn more and become a member of Uganda-CAN.

There could be no more pressing or opportune moment to demand global governance that hears and answers to the suffering of the most poor and vulnerable of our world.

"Kony Anti-War Pressure Group Formed" - The Monitor News Story

2005-06-20T14:11:00.000+01:00

Linked is an article from today's Monitor about the launch of the Uganda Conflict Action Network. It's a short article and the title is a bit misleading, but it is a big accomplishment after a week of pushing for some East African press coverage. Check it out!

"Calling to Mind a Forgotten War" - UgandaCAN on ND NewsWire

2005-06-18T04:26:00.000+01:00

Notre Dame Newswire featured the work of Uganda-CAN today on its website. Check it out at http://newsinfo.nd.edu/ - look to the right-hand side for our feature article. This is an exciting development for our campaign as we keep working to build our foundation and get off the ground.

The Primary Victims of the War: Children

2005-06-16T23:22:00.000+01:00

The linked news report from the Kenyan Nation tells the story of so many children brutalized, victimized and destroyed by the war in northern Uganda.

The Rape that Arises out of War

2005-06-16T15:03:00.000+01:00

The linked article from the UN News Service highlights the widespread, systematic rape throughout northern Uganda, where vulnerable peoples are so easily manipulated by those who hold any power or access to resources. It is a sad fact of war that in the rubble of destruction and killing, systemic acts of personal violence and exploitation persist as people are dominated by their base carnal desires to control, to desire, to dominate. This article is a call to action for the international community to demand better protection for the vulnerable peoples of northern Uganda.

Crumbs for Africa - IHT Editorial

2005-06-15T00:41:00.000+01:00

Linked is an editorial from the NY Times in the International Herald Tribune that discounts the myth that many, such as President Bush, would like to swindle that the United States makes significant contributions in aid to Africa. The truth is that the U.S. spends very little of its national budget on foreign aid, far less than the rest of the so-called "developed" world. Further, the aid that is given is distributed based on U.S. geostrategic interests in sub-Saharan Africa. So, a country like Egypt gets large amounts of aid, while one like Botswana (where about 33% of the population have HIV) gets extremely little. Bush's praised Millenium Development Challenge in 2002 had such serious strings attached to it that only 6 or 7 African countries were eligible, and only one has been able yet to get aid from the account.

In the coming weeks as the world focuses on Africa, there must be a cry from the American people, moved by the very real suffering on the African sub-continent, to spend more aid ensuring that people's basic needs are met. This is not only the right thing to do, it is in our interest for security as we move forward in these turbulent times.

The Story of Four Girls Abducted by LRA

2005-06-14T17:21:00.000+01:00

Linked is a great piece of journalism by Melanie Thernstrom about four girls who escaped from the Lord's Resistance Army after being abducted. It is a powerful human story, but horrifying when one multiplies it by the more than 25,000 children ranging from age 7 to 17 that have been abducted over the last decade as part of this war.

Fr. Carlos Rodriguez Reports from Gulu

2005-06-13T16:24:00.000+01:00

Possible for IDPs to return home...
by: Fr. Carlos Rodriguez, in northern Uganda

A great good deal of what is being published in Uganda about the conflict in the North is written by people who sit either in Kampala or abroad. Aggressive scribes who censor, prescribe remedies, advocate, condemn, and proclaim quasi-dogmatic statements from their air-conditioned offices. Little judges more familiar with the Sheraton or Munyonyo Speke ballrooms, or with the London universities than with the mud and wattle huts of the displaced camps.
As for your poor columnist, the day I go away from the North, I shall stop writing about this tragedy because I’ll have nothing to say. Whatever I say, I state it from inside; from what I see and hear from the victims.

One of the temptations I have always resisted is to accept invitations to speak abroad about northern Uganda. I speak from here, with nothing to hide.

So, today I wanted to tell you that a couple of weeks ago I spent some few hours visiting a most peculiar village in Gulu district. It is six kilometres inside the bush.

Some years ago people in this village used to have a normal life, digging their fields and sleeping in their homes; then they vacated the place and went to live in the nearby displaced people’s camps. But for some months now, a few hundred have voluntarily returned and they have a semblance of a normal life. During daytime they stay at their homes –which they have rebuilt – and work at their gardens. At night, everybody moves close to the nearby military detach and sleep safely in small huts. Everybody told me that relations with the soldiers are very good, a key element in ensuring stability. I also talked to some of the soldiers and they really looked motivated. A company that does commercial farming has opened a good road and those who wish to join their scheme can cultivate one or two acres – from their own land, whose property they retain – sell the produce and get some cash.

My only objection (or is it undue suspicion?) is to wonder whether that security arrangement that has resettled hundreds has been made for the sake of the people or for the sake of that American-sponsored company. But that is another story.

Of course, some fear still remains, but most people told me: “You see, before we returned here to our villages, it was a miserable life in the displaced people’s camps; the whole day redundant doing nothing, but now at least we are producing our own food, we are recovering our traditions and we feel free”.

Two boreholes provide enough water for the community. The only inconvenience is that the nearby school cannot yet operate and children have to walk six kilometres, the same distance to reach the nearest dispensary, but that is not unusual in rural Uganda, anyway.

On the whole, it was one of the rare occasions where I have visited a community of folks in Acholi made up of happy and hopeful families with a future to look to.

As soon as I left, I started thinking why it would not be possible to see that happening in many more places. The genuine sign that peace is closer is not the number of rebels supposedly killed, but the number of people who can go back to their homes and rebuild their shattered lives. I used to keep detailed records of the official briefings – mirrors of truth and fairness admired worldwide – about how many LRA were killed monthly (only rebels, of course, abducted children are never killed, they are only rescued), until I noticed a most peculiar pattern: every few months it was announced that only 300 remained, only to hear six months later that after that previous date 900 had been either killed or surrendered.

I couldn’t make sense of the additions and subtractions, but ever since I was a child I was never good at Maths, anyway.I, and many others, will understand better the statistics of dwindling figures of displaced people and growing figures of people who go back to their homes.

As the government continues to pursue a strategy of maintaining security through military means, attracting rebels out of the bush through the Amnesty and leaving the door open for a negotiated end, it may also find it wise to pursue a fourth element: to work towards organising a gradual normalisation of people’s lives by helping them move closer to their homes.

It is not impossible. I saw a hopeful sample two weeks ago. Those who are ready to leave their comfort in the Kampala offices or the universities abroad and come right here can see it with their own eyes too.

Contact Fr. Carlos at lcoromoi@africaonline.co.ug. The author is a Catholic missionary working in northern Uganda since 1985.

"Horror in Uganda" Presentation

2005-06-13T14:30:00.000+01:00

Linked here is a moving multimedia presentation by the Los Angeles Times about the horrifying human suffering as a result of the 19-year old forgotten war in northern Uganda.

Justice, Not Charity for Africa

2005-06-13T14:01:00.000+01:00

Naomi Klein, the fierce critic of neo-liberal capitalism, has recently published a great column in The Nation that addresses the misperceptions and subsequent mistakes of the current push to end poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. She writes, "He asked not for charity, pity or "relief" but for justice." I am posting one other paragraph here and will link to the whole article.

"This is what keeps Africa poor: not a lack of political will but the tremendous profitability of the current arrangement. Sub-Saharan Africa, the poorest place on earth, is also its most profitable investment destination: It offers, according to the World Bank's 2003 Global Development Finance report, 'the highest returns on foreign direct investment of any region in the world.' Africa is poor because its investors and its creditors are so unspeakably rich."

Uganda-CAN Website Launched!

2005-06-11T02:33:00.000+01:00

Check out the Uganda-CAN website at www.ugandacan.org and read the following press release that will go out to Ugandan and other East African media sources tomorrow -

**FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE**

Press Contact: Peter Quaranto, Founding Director of Uganda Conflict Action Network
Email: pquaranto@ugandacan.org
Phone number: (508) 523 9914 (USA)
Contact in Uganda: Stephen Okello, Director of Operations in Uganda, (071) 671 937
URL: http://www.ugandacan.org

June 10, 2005

AFJN Launches Uganda Conflict Action Network

WASHINGTON – The Washington-based Africa Faith and Justice Network (AFJN) today formally announced the launch of the Uganda Conflict Action Network to pressure the U.S. government to advocate and support peace negotiations to end the 19-year old war in northern Uganda, a war that has gone largely ignored by the western world. The grassroots campaign seeks to raise awareness among Americans in hopes of acting to support a peaceful resolution in Uganda as part of a greater movement for renewal and peace in the Great Lakes Region.

“The United States, through military aid and strategic alliances, has played a significant role in the persistence of this horrific war,” said Peter Quaranto, the founding director of Uganda-CAN. “We are launching this project to demand that the U.S. play a larger role in advocating for and supporting peace initiatives on the ground.”

The 19-year old war in northern Uganda has left more than 20,000 children abducted, tens of thousands of people maimed or killed, and 1.6 million people displaced into camps. Yet, it has remained one of the most forgotten crises in the world, according to recent reports by Reuters AlterNet, Médecins sans Frontieres and the United Nations. “The silence of the international community is equivalent to complicity in this unnecessary mass human tragedy,” Quaranto stated.

Quaranto, along with Michael Poffenberger, both international peace studies students at the University of Notre Dame, founded Uganda-CAN. They were deeply moved by the realities they experienced in the north during their academic study abroad program in Uganda, sponsored by the School for International Training in Kampala. Quaranto remarked, “As I sat there listening to people in IDP camps telling me their stories, I just kept thinking to myself: how can this be happening? How can this have happened for 19 years?”

Uganda-CAN is working to build an effective, broad-based campaign that will raise awareness to mobilize people to action. The campaign has already launched a website that will present updated news about the conflict, research reports and action alerts. The staff and volunteers are working to form partnerships with key actors in Washington, both in Congress and other Africa-related organizations, while also linking with numerous Ugandan organizations. By August, the campaign hopes to have begun a nationwide awareness and mobilization tour.

Quaranto and the more than twenty-five committed volunteers working tirelessly on this campaign are hopeful. “Together, we have a real opportunity to push for action that could contribute to an end to this war,” said Quaranto. “There is no more pressing or opportune moment to demand global governance that hears and answers to the suffering of the most poor and vulnerable of our world.”

Learn more about Uganda-CAN at http://www.ugandacan.org/.

Reuters AlertNet Reporting on War

2005-06-10T18:36:00.000+01:00

Reuters AlertNet has also done some great recent reporting on the conflict, including many moving photos and a web documentary. The linked page is the axis for all these articles, reports and multimedia presentations.

UN Reporting on War in Northern Uganda

2005-06-10T18:31:00.000+01:00

There has been some really great reporting coming out recently on the war in northern Uganda, including a series of interviews and articles from the United Nations IRIN. Though the interviews with President Museveni and Moses Ali are infuriating if you have been to the north and seen the realities, it is still important to hear their stories and perspectives. The linked webpage from IRIN News gives a general report on the war, with many different links to interviews and articles conducted by the UN agency.

Breaking News? "Museveni Extends Olive Branch to LRA Leader"

2005-06-09T20:55:00.000+01:00

The United Nations Integrated Regional Information Networks is reporting that President Museveni has said he would forgive Joseph Kony if he came out of the "bush." This is a very hopeful sign, especially from a president who one month ago said he would never talk peace with the rebels. Yet, one has to question the seriousness of Museveni with such statements given a long history of mistrust and contradictions. Let's hope that this will at least provide a space for a renewal of negotiations that could bring an end to the war. The role of the international community, particularly the United States government and the troika of Great Britain, Norway and the Netherlands, could not be more critical in facilitating, sustaining and monitoring such a moment for negotiation.

Uganda Donors Urged to Pressure for Peace

2005-06-09T14:02:00.000+01:00

The link I am posting here is to a Reuters AlertNet article from today, contending that the donors should and must use their tremendous clout in Uganda to push for serious peace negotiations. This is right in-line with what we are trying to say with Uganda Conflict Action Network. I am going to paste the final three paragraphs here.

"He added that the United States, not traditionally a major player in Ugandan aid, was becoming increasingly important in egging on the peace process.

Washington used to favour military suppression of the LRA, while the European donors pushed for peace talks, but the United States has come into line with its fellow donors over the last year and a half.

“NGOs have been pushing for a unified donor view on the conflict and how to end it, so if all the donors as one can say that a peaceful solution is the best way to go, that has an impact,” he said."

The Silent Tsunami of IDPs in Africa

2005-06-08T16:07:00.000+01:00

The linked article from the United Nations highlights the plight of the world's internally displaced peoples - some 25 million people, of which 13 million are in Africa. This is truly a silent tsunami that deserves the attention and action of the global community. The Great Lakes Region of Africa may be the most troubled spot with 5-6 million IDPs in Sudan, 2-3 million IDPs in the Democratic Republic of Congo and 1.5-2 million IDPs in Uganda.

Northern Uganda - The Forgotten Crisis

2005-06-08T14:17:00.000+01:00

According to a recent poll by Reuters AlertNet, northern Uganda is the world's second most forgotten crisis, only behind the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Further, the United Nations listed northern Uganda as one of its "10 stories the world should hear more about." Medicins Sans Frontiers placed northern Uganda at the top of its list of Top 10 Underreported Stories of 2004.

The forgotten crisis in Gulu, Pader, Kitgum, Apac and Lira districts rages on, crying for international coverage, attention and action.

First Media Coverage of Uganda-CAN

2005-06-06T22:26:00.000+01:00

Check out the Featured News at the OurWorld/World Learning website (http://ourworld.worldlearning.org/site/PageServer?pagename=homepage)

or

Just go straight to the article titled "Help End the War in Northern Uganda" through this link: http://ourworld.worldlearning.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=6451&news_iv_ctrl=1341

This is some good media coverage of the launch of Uganda-CAN to mobilize, advocate and act to support peace efforts in northern Uganda! Also, the DONATE section of our website - www.ugandacan.org - is now functional, so you can donate securely online through our website.

Links Addressing Darfur Genocide

2005-06-05T19:30:00.000+01:00

My blog focuses and mainly analyzes issues of Uganda, though as most people know, genocide is happening in Darfur in Sudan. In coming months, I want to look at the northern Uganda conflict in the wider context of the crisis facing the Great Lakes Region of sub-Saharan Africa. For now, I thought I would just post a few links that give good updates, analysis and information relating to Darfur.

http://darfurgenocide.org/ - Darfur Advocacy Project

http://www.genocideinterventionfund.org/GIF_index.php - Genocide Intervention Fund

http://www.savedarfur.org/ - Save Darfur

http://www.passionofthepresent.org/ - Sudan: Passion of the Present

And be sure to check out articles and multimedia by Nicholas Kristof reporting from Sudan for the New York Times (www.nytimes.com).

Bush Opposed to Increasing Aid to Africa

2005-06-05T19:19:00.000+01:00

I wanted to post the linked article from today's New York Times headlined "Bush Maintains Opposition to Doubling Aid for Africa." I hope to write a response to President Bush in this blog later this week, but for now I will just say that I see this is both an abdication of global moral responsibility and perpetuation of the deep injustice of contemporary U.S. policy towards the African sub-continent. This is not to say that aid is the answer to all the crises facing many African nations - far from it actually - but aid can go a long way in helping meet the basic needs of masses of human beings.

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/06/02/politics/02prexy.html

Washington's Power in Uganda

2005-06-03T17:26:00.000+01:00

The following is an analysis of the origins and persistence of a strong relationship between Uganda and the United States, whereby Washington holds tremendous power over the affairs in Uganda -

According to all insiders and analysts of Ugandan political affairs, it is clear that the one entity with significant power over the polity is the United States government. In order to understand this influence, it is important to recognize the history of this relationship, which dates back to the early 1990s.

In the early 1990s, the initial civil war between the National Resistance Movement government and the Lord’s Resistance Army was transformed into a proxy war between the Sudan and Ugandan governments. This proxy was further fueled by international politics as the West, particularly the United States, sought to fight against what it perceived to be an Arab-Sudan axis pushing a wave of Islamic fundamentalism in sub-Saharan Africa. When Sudan began to provide military assistance to the LRA, Uganda also began to provide military assistance to Sudan’s People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) in southern Sudan. The United States, which wanted to challenge the regime in Khartoum, began to funnel massive amounts of military aid to the SLPA through the Ugandan government. People in the north recall witnessing substantial military supplies being transported through the northern regions of Uganda across the Sudanese border. These military supplies were advanced enough that they could have only come from a powerful western country.

Thus, this proxy war created an alliance between the United States and Uganda, which would persist throughout the 1990s. This alliance was furthered as President Museveni welcomed the economic intervention of the U.S.-dominated World Bank and International Monetary Fund. As the southern part of the country experienced economic growth, the U.S. was able to publicize Uganda as the “success story” of sub-Saharan Africa. Uganda also has boasted a very successful fight against HIV/AIDS, predominantly utilizing the ABCD (Abstain, Be Faithful, Condoms or Die) campaign supported by President George W. Bush. This has given more incentive for the U.S. to provide different forms of aid, while touting Uganda as its success case.

Following the terrorist attacks by al-Qaeda on the United States on 11 September 2001, President Museveni has attempted to ally with Bush and has actively sought the patronage of the United States. President Museveni was quick to become one of the first and only African leaders to support the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003, even though the majority of the Ugandan population opposed the war. Museveni has courted U.S. support and approval by declaring his own war on terror in Uganda, declaring the LRA to be a terrorist organization. Government officials have even declared that the LRA is funded and supported by al-Qaeda. In 2002, the government passed a Suppression of Terrorism Act, which declared immediate death penalty for terrorists and collaborators of terrorists.

During Museveni’s visit to the United States in June 2003, he brought a document which outlined his program for “Northern Uganda Reconstruction and Counter-Terrorism Initiative.” The document included the following telling paragraph:

“Uganda, a steadfast friend and ally of the United States in its war against terrorism, has been facing and continued to face a serious terror threat of its own in the north. Uganda is successfully countering the LRA, which the U.S. Department of State has officially designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization. The group was created by Sudan out of the remnants of former Ugandan dictators, Amin and Obote. Sudan has been supporting the LRA until recently when the United States put the LRA on its list of international terrorist organizations. The US military in Baghdad has found documents linking former President Saddam Hussein’s intelligence apparatus to some terrorists that have been trying to destabilize Uganda.”

This paragraph clearly shows a government trying to manipulate U.S. sentiments to gain military support and aid.

Such statements have fallen on open ears as the United States has significantly increased military assistance to Uganda. In January 2003, the Liu Institute highlighted the U.S. contribution of $3 billion to Uganda’s military. Over the last four years, the United States has given substantial and increased amounts of military aid to Uganda for its support in the “war on terror.” Further, the United States placed the LRA on its list of foreign terrorist organizations. The LRA remains on the list today. This is an attempt to pressure Khartoum, but also a sign of support for Museveni and his NRM regime. In 2002, U.S. Secretary of State, Colin Powell thanked Uganda for its counter-terrorism support and praised the NRM government for its work. In July 2003, President Bush included a stop in Uganda as part of his Africa trip as a result of this alliance.

This support from the United States has only empowered Museveni’s commitment to the “military solution” to deal with the LRA. The United States, until recently, has strongly supported the military approach to dealing with the war. In early 2004 when Bigombe was planning to return to Uganda to start peace talks, she was approached by a U.S. State Department official who told her not to return to her country.

Recently, Washington has begun to articulate a policy shift, claiming that the military approach must be complemented with serious peace negotiations. According to chief peace negotiator Betty Bigombe, Kony has expressed keen interest in Washington’s statements. It is yet to be seen how serious the U.S. government is about this policy shift.

As a result of this relationship and the history between the two countries, President Museveni cares deeply for and cannot ignore the statements, wishes and action that come from Washington. According to insiders and analysts, Washington is the one government with the power to actually change policy and direction of Ugandan politics. Numerous insiders make the statement, “If Washington decided at breakfast that it wanted the conflict over, it would be finished by dinner.”

Thus, the United States government has significant influence that it can and should utilize in this opportune moment for intervention and action. In a coming piece, I will show how the U.S. should use that influence immediately and effectively to support an end to the 19-year old horrific war in northern Uganda. With Uganda-CAN, we are working together to see that Washington takes such action that answers to the suffering of Ugandans in the north.

Recent News Analysis of the Race for Peace in northern Uganda

2005-06-03T17:04:00.000+01:00

Over the last six months to a year, much has happened in the race for peace in northern Uganda that suggests we stand at an opportune moment for intervention and action that could effectively bring an end to the war and its consequent suffering -

On 15 April 2004, President Museveni made a statement expressing readiness for peace talks with the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in mutually-agreed safe areas under international monitoring. Just the day before, the United Nations under-secretary general, Jan Egeland briefed the United Nations Security Council on the situation in northern Uganda. Later in 2004, after Sam Kolo, the then-political commissar of the LRA, made statements on the BBC expressing LRA willingness for peace talks, President Museveni declared a seven-day ceasefire on 14 November. Over the next two months, President Museveni extended the ceasefire four times. Betty Bigombe returned to the forefront of negotiations, reinitiating peace talks with the help of traditional leaders and elders. On the 31 of December, a scheduled signing of cessation fell apart after the LRA said they were not ready to sign. The ceasefire ended and 2005 entered with disappointment.

In the first month of 2005, Betty Bigombe continued her efforts to maintain communication and openness between the two parties. On 15 January, Vincent Otti of the LRA talked on the phone with the head army commander. On 17 January, Bigombe met with Sam Kolo and other commanders to discuss a draft ceasefire agreement. The government declared another 18-day ceasefire on 3 February, which expired at the end of the month. On 16 February, LRA Brigadier Sam Kolo surrendered to the UPDF, thus the peace process lost one of its most important participants. Bigombe declared this a big loss to the prospects for peace because Kolo was one of the few rational actors in the LRA willing to work and compromise for a settlement. Yet, Vincent Otti, the new LRA spokesmen, quickly attempted to assure Bigombe of the LRA’s continued commitment to peace talks.

Following the collapse of the ceasefire, Museveni quickly returned to his militaristic posture and insistence on the “military solution” to end the war. He claimed that he had only expressed openness to peace talks because of pressure from international organizations and donors. Museveni even went so far as to blame foreign donors for contributing to the persistence of the war by their call for peace talks. Over the last month, the army has made multiple claims of killing rebel fighters and commanders. Ugandan military officials claim the LRA has weaned down to just a few hundred fighters. However, attacks on civilians in the north have increased over the last two months as the LRA has attempted to show that it is still a force. Further, the number of children forced into town for security at night is on the rise. Many in the north believe attacks are on the rise and the war will become inflamed again soon.

Thanks to her commitment and lobbying, Bigombe has recently resumed phone contact with the rebels, and it appears the government has allowed her to resume talks for a ceasefire and consequent negotiations. She has resumed contact with Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, and other commanders. According to Bigombe, Kony’s greatest concerns at the present are his post-conflict livelihood and security. Further encouraging, the international community has given increased attention and some small gestures to support peace talks. OxFam and other non-governmental organizations have called on the United Nations to intervene to end the conflict. The international community has sent officials to support Bigombe’s work and monitor the situation.

There are indicators that now is the time for action to support Bigombe's efforts to bring the Ugandan government and LRA to the table for trust-building talks and negotiations. This will require commitment and action from Washington to support Bigombe and peace negotiations in Uganda. The State Department should send a senior official immediately to Kampala to articulate this commitment to Museveni. Further, the U.S. should press Museveni to present the rebels with a post-conflict resettlement package as a way to facilitate negotiations (taken from ICG's latest report). Finally, Washington must show its care and attention to this situation to ensure that all actors involved remain committed.

The Advent of the Uganda Conflict Action Network

2005-06-02T14:14:00.000+01:00

Africa Faith and Justice Network
3035 Fourth Street, NE Washington D.C. 20017
Phone: (202) 832 3412
Fax: (202) 832 9051
Web: afjn.cua.edu

The Advent of Uganda Conflict Action Network (www.ugandacan.org)

At the end of 2003, Jan Egeland, the United Nations undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs, told the BBC: “I cannot find any other part of the world that is having an emergency on the scale of Uganda that is getting so little international attention.” Egeland’s words could not have been more true or their ramifications more horrifying. While the 19-year-old war in northern Uganda to which Egeland referred has devastated the region, the most disturbing element of this mass violence has been the silence of the Ugandan government, U.S. government, and international community. It is clear to almost all observers that a serious commitment to peace from any of these bodies can catalyze an immediate end to the war. Yet, silence abounds.

On the ground in northern Uganda, the scene is shocking. Tens of thousands of civilians have been maimed or killed by the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Ninety percent of the region’s population of almost two million people has been relocated into internally displaced people’s camps that lack food and security. People in the camps are enduring disease, malnutrition, and nighttime attacks from the LRA. An old man living in one such camp told us, “Since 1985, we have just had restless nights...In some ways, we are already dead. We yearn for peace, but we have no hope anymore.”

The bulk of the soldiers fighting for the LRA are children aged seven to seventeen who have been abducted from towns and camps. Escapees recount stories of being abducted, brutalized, brainwashed, and forced to kill viciously. One account from a nine-year-old boy highlights this hell:
“There is nothing I liked there. They collect all the children together and make you beat someone to death. Once there were about seven who tried to escape, including two girls. The commander decided not to kill the girls. He picked one boy to be killed. He told one of the girls to come and chop this boy into small pieces. The other boys were told to help. Then they were told to play with the dead person’s head. After that, they commanded the girls to smear blood of the dead boy on their chest. Finally, they informed us that anyone who tries to escape will have the same thing.”[1]

Ugandans deserve better. For years, the U.S. government and whole international community have looked the other way, not providing the necessary relief assistance, nor using their diplomatic power to push the Ugandan government to commit to ending the war. This inaction has maintained the status quo, fueling the persistence of the conflict. This irresponsibility cannot be tolerated. Now as different movements arise to call for attention to the many crises of the Great Lakes Region and the whole of sub-Saharan Africa, the time has come to act. At present, there is great potential for effective international action and pressure to impact the emergency in northern Uganda. We must use our power as people and citizens to turn attention and resources to this disaster. We must act now to see that our own government seizes this opportunity to contribute to a long-awaited peace in northern Uganda, the whole Great Lakes Region and beyond.

To this end, the Washington, D.C.-based Africa Faith and Justice Network is launching the Uganda Conflict Action Network (Uganda-CAN), and we invite you to join. Together, we will raise awareness about this hidden war, expose the silent complicity of the global community and demand action for a peaceful resolution. With your funding and support, united in solidarity with the hopes and visions of millions of Ugandans, we will build a campaign of ordinary, outraged citizens to combat this unnecessary human suffering and help bring healing and renewal to the region. Together, we will learn the true meaning of civic duty in a global world.

Success with this campaign will require several key elements. Uganda-CAN staff and volunteers—over two dozen of which have already committed themselves—will be building a website, developing resources for organizing, writing and updating numerous internet blogs about the conflict, publishing research papers, hosting press conferences, giving presentations throughout the country, partnering with Ugandan civil society organizations, and forming strategic relationships with key actors in DC such as Congress people and other Africa activists. Through these actions, our coalition will raise nationwide awareness, thus mobilizing an effective force to lobby Washington for action that answers to the suffering of northern Ugandans. Betty Bigombe, the chief negotiator for peace in Uganda, told us, “If your campaign is successful, it would be a huge contribution for peace in our country.”

There are several ways that you can contribute to Uganda-CAN to help bring peace to Uganda. The most important contribution you can make to the effort is your TIME. Visit our website at www.ugandacan.org to learn more about the situation in Uganda and about our mission. Spread word of our efforts and help raise awareness by sharing our website and mission with your family, friends and coworkers. Sign up for our email listserv to receive action alerts and occasional updates.

Second, this campaign needs your ACTION. Visit our website for information on how to express your concern about this situation to your elected representatives as well as information about our "Virtual March" on Washington this fall. By demanding action from our government, we hope to bring about legislation that will end the conflict and bring peace to this troubled area.

Finally, this campaign needs your MONEY. Funds are needed to publish and distribute information about the crisis and to effectively communicate the gravity of the situation and our demands for action to representatives in Washington. Funds are also desperately needed to provide direct aid to the people of Uganda who are most affected by this crisis; a significant portion of all donations will be redirected to humanitarian relief efforts in the area. Any contribution that you are able to make will be greatly appreciated. Checks can be made out to Africa Faith and Justice Network, and sent to the address above, or donations can be made through our secure website, www.ugandacan.org. Africa Faith and Justice Network is a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization, and all donations are tax-deductible. If you have any questions or concerns, please contact us.

Thank you for your willingness to face the reality of horrors in northern Uganda. We look forward to hearing from you and working with you. We firmly believe that this world can be a better place, and together we can make a difference.

Sincerely,

Peter J. Quaranto, Director of Uganda Conflict Action Network
pquaranto@ugandacan.org, peterquaranto@yahoo.com, (508) 523 9914

Michael Poffenberger, Associate Director of Africa Faith and Justice Network
mpoffenberger@ugandacan.org, mpoffenberger@alumni.nd.edu, (574) 229 1301

[1] “Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions to the War in Northern Uganda.” Refugee Law Project Working Paper No. 11, February 2004.

Northern Uganda Disaster Worse than Tsunami?

2005-06-02T02:07:00.000+01:00

I am posting here an article from today's Monitor titled "Northern Disaster Worse than Tsunami, Says WFP." I did not visit southern Thailand or Indonesia to see the effects of the tsunami, but I can certainly testify that the disasters of northern Uganda are absolutely horrific. I still have flashbacks to viciously malnourished kids walking miles to get to Noah's Ark for safety or people starving to death in the IDP camps or the stories of women raped viciously by UPDF soldiers or children forced to kill by the LRA. As I have written before, it is hell on earth. And it is most definitely genocidal.

The world responded with immense generosity to aid those who faced the tsunami because the suffering was blatantly undeserved and unnecessary, and the onslaught was immediate. The horrors of northern Uganda are muddied, complex and raise difficult questions about complicity and responsibility that frankly most of us do not want to face. Most of all, the longevity of the war desensitizes us and we dehumanize the situation.

I saw a friend of mine from my youth tonight and after he asked me, "How was Africa?," he proceeded to talk about how "those people" use "machetes because they are cheaper to kill with than guns." I was overwhelmed thinking back to my experiences in Rwanda and northern Uganda, but moreso overwhelmed by how we in the West have dehumanized and demonized "Africa" as a land of massacre, slaughter and unexplainable horror.

"Northern Disaster Worse than Tsunami, Says WFP"
Monitor, 1 June 2005

The humanitarian situation in the war-torn northern region is worse than the Tsumani disaster that affected millions of people in South Asia, the World Food Programme (WFP) Country Representative, Mr Ken Davies, has said.

The Lord's Resisitance Army rebellion under Joseph Kony has displaced about 1.6 million people in the last 19 years.

"The response of the international community to the Tsunami disaster was great.

"But in northern Uganda we have a situation that has affected a lot more people than the Tsunami," Davies, told journalists yesterday.

The Tsunami earthquake hit South Asia in December last year leaving almost 2.5 million in need of relief assistance. The disaster evoked frantic emergency relief efforts world-wide, leading to donations amounting to billions of dollars.

Davies said more than three million people in northern Uganda desperately need WFP food relief soon, ahead of the start of the dry season next month. He said if emergency food supplies are not made available to over 1.4 million people in over 135 Internally Displaced People's camps (IDPs), "we are going to see an already horrible situation get a lot worse."

Davies was speaking at WFP headquarters in Kampala to announce the "Fight Hunger: Walk the World" charity walk due on June 12. The body aims to raise $2.5 million world-wide from the walk, enough to feed 50,000 children for a year. The walk will take place simultaneously in over 90 countries.

Davies said the walk organised in collaboration with TNT, a local courier company is also intended to raise international awareness about hunger.

The TNT Coordinator in Uganda, Mr Tony Ssenabulya, attended the press conference.
Last year alone, WFP fed over 2.8 million people with relief food worth $92 million.

However, WFP now faces a shortfall of more than 90,000 tonnes of food with a funding gap of $49 million needed to continue providing relief food to internally displaced people and refugees through to December 2005.

"We need more donor support urgently or we will run out of food in June.

"I am appealing to everyone to do something urgently," Davies said.

He said despite the ongoing peace efforts being facilitated by Ms Betty Bigombe, there is still widespread insecurity in most of northern region, making it impossible for the people to plant food crops during the short rainy season.

He said a looming food crisis culminating in sky-high rates of infant malnutrition and death, are inevitable unless emergency food relief is made available as soon as possible.

He said malnutrition rates skyrocketed last year when a similar shortage of food hit the region.

Davies said in addition to the IDPs, WFP is targeting to feed over 400,000 school children, half a million drought affected people in Karamoja and almost 0.2 million refugees.

WFP is providing daily meals to children in the districts of Gulu, Kitgum, Arua, Katakwi, Moyo, Soroti, Bundibugyo Adjumani and several others. Current WFP food relief needs are estimated at about 220,000 metric tonnes, more than half of which would go to internally displaced people in northern Uganda.

Stephen Okello's Analysis on his Homeland

2005-06-01T01:44:00.000+01:00

Cheers. Unfortunately, I have not been able to write the last week. Fortunately, the reason is that I spent five days first with my amazing girlfriend, Jess, and then three days with my two best friends, Jamie and Michael. A much needed vacation of sorts.

Now I am officially kicking-off my full-time work this summer as Director of Uganda Conflict Action Network. Things are really moving and we should have our first website up tomorrow at www.ugandacan.org. During the summer, I will try to post some different things as the campaign commences and starts to take shape.

I wanted to post two small pieces that my friend, Stephen Okello wrote about the war in northern Uganda, a war that he was born into and lived through for many years. Stephen is now working as a programme assistant for the Center for Conflict Resolution in Kampala. He will be doing lots of work with Uganda-CAN in the coming months.

“We Have to Save the Next Generation”
By Stephen Okello

It has been called one of the worst humanitarian emergencies in the world, but few people realize the magnitude of devastation cause by the 19 year-armed conflict in northern Uganda.

Some years ago, many Ugandan politicians argued that the war in northern Uganda was an Acholi issue, thereby leaving it for the Acholi to find the solutions to the crisis. This blatant neglect led to suffering for the people in northern Uganda as the conflict persisted. By the end of this year the war will be in its 20th year.

The painful truth is that the people of northern Uganda have only been playing survival games caught between the UPDF government forces and the Lord’s Resistance Army. The result – untold suffering, skyrocketing poverty and gross insecurity punctuated with rampant death. There is nowhere to hide.

The conflict in northern Uganda has been characterized by brutal attacks on helpless villages, abductions of innocent children to create child soldiers, maiming and killing of innocent civilians and the gross internal displacement of almost ninety percent of the region. The war in northern Uganda is a forgotten one; a war deliberately against children.

The displacement of the population has excluded large numbers of children from learning in schools. More than 23% of school-age children (6-12 year olds) are not in school, and more than 50% of the 1,200 primary schools in the five northern districts have been displaced. Displacement and destruction of school facilities has led to overcrowding, poor health and awful sanitation. The classroom to pupil ratio ranges between 1:150 and 1:200. About 80% of children in Pader District study under trees if they are lucky to study at all.

Beyond the educational crisis, the over 1.6 million people displaced have little to no access to health service. Malnutrition is rampant, and the war situation has rapidly increased HIV/AIDS rates. Many in the camps fear that the entire next generation will be wiped out by disease and starvation.

The recent peace talks that just collapsed only paint a darker future for the Acholi peasants, prompting many questions that need to be answered. The situation continues to worsen, while the government just pumps money into its defence budget.

Our people are suffering. Any sober human being cannot accept such suffering to continue under normal circumstances. We have to save the next generation.

Embedding Peace through Negotiations
By: Stephen Okello

The problem of conflict is “the greatest unresoveled riddle” in politics today. It is the great curse on society, the endemic disease lurking in the background of politics.

Human history is full of the gloomy records of war and conflict. It suggests that war and not peace is the normal condition of “civilized human society.” It is arguable that recent history is the story of wars, the preparations for wars and the consequences of war.

The most unfortunate thing about war is that it accomplishes nothing. All the efforts that go into it are wasted. I deeply wish our leaders would reflect on this before plunging our country into wars that never resolve the issues involved. Norman Angell says war is “a great illusion that pays,” yet that great illusion has very unfortunate human costs.

The conflict in the northern Uganda has turned uglier recently with the death toll rising to an alarming level, leaving the suffering of so many people. I do not want to imagine how many resources have been wasted on this war, while our people have undergone so much suffering.

However, our hope today lies in the fact that more and more people are realizing that war is too dangerous to employ and that it no longer secures the traditional objectives of human security and economic advantage. It has become clear that war cannot be used to end war; peace comes rather through wise diplomacy.

Successfully ending the divisions that lead to war, healing the social wounds created by war and creating a society where the differences among social groups are resolved through compromise rather than violently. Peace agreements provide a framework for ending hostilities and the initial guide to post-conflict reforms to embed peace.

In northern Uganda, the government cannot just contain this war anymore; they must use real peace negotiations to end hostilities, and even more, to address the real grievances held by the people of the north.

Uganda Heading to Civil War? - News Update

2005-05-19T17:17:00.000+01:00

From The Monitor on 18 May 2005 -

"World Bank Report Warns of Civil War"

A World Bank commissioned report says Uganda may be plunged into a civil war if President Yoweri Museveni pushes for a third term.

In what could increase donor pressure on Mr Museveni's continued leadership of the country and intentions to stay on after 2006, the report has recommended aid cuts to Uganda over the next three years, warning that extreme prudence is required because of the country's increased risk to political uncertainty and violence.

"Though not etched in stone, it would appear that President Museveni has decided to press on with his effort to secure a third term as a price for his country's transition to multiparty politics. Should this be his final decision, the likelihood of greater violence than that which accompanied the 2001 elections is very high," the report said.

"This could in turn be highly destabilising, and, in the worst case scenario, result into proliferation of armed insurrections if not outright civil war in selected areas of the South - in addition to violence that is already occurring in the North," reads the report titled "The Political Economy of Uganda - The Art of Managing a Donor-Financed Neo-Patrimonial State".

The report adds: "The president would retain the power, but the popular base of the regime would be a shadow of what it once enjoyed. Uganda will have morphed into a Moi-like system of increasingly corrupt and repressive authoritarian rule". (Moi was president of the once prosperous Kenya from 1978 until his corrupt Kanu administration was overwhelmingly rejected in the December 2002 elections).

Parliament is expected to amend Article 105(2) of the constitution, which would enable Museveni, now in the final term of his two-constitutional terms to seek re-election in 2006 and stay on.

The World Bank report, commissioned to establish the risk of lending programmes in Uganda, recommends a move back to closely monitored project lending in the ongoing three-year aid programme up to 2008, largely because of Museveni's third term push.

The study headed by Prof. Joel Barkan of the University of Iowa and a Senior Consultant on Africa Governance conducted last year, warns the bank to be extremely prudent, recommending a "low case" lending programme in Uganda during the period of the forthcoming Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) and rethinking of the appropriateness of continued budget support to the country.

"We regret that we cannot be more positive about the present political situation in Uganda, especially given the country's admirable record through the late 1990s," the 66 - page confidential report reads.

Other members of the World bank study team, included Jack Titsworth, Africa Governance Consultant for the World Bank, Prof Njuguna Ng'ethe of the University of Nairobi and Sallie Simba Kayunga, a political science lecturer at Makerere University.

Reacting to the concerns raised in the study, the Prime Minister, Prof. Apolo Nsibambi, told The Monitor yesterday that there was no need to press the panic button in view of the recommendations of the report.

"This is not the position of the World Bank. It's just a study by a researcher and the World Bank has not adopted it," Nsibambi said by telephone.

"We have a very good relationship with our financial partners including the World Bank. If there was any indication of any problem, the lady [World Bank country representative Grace Yabroudy] would have met me or the president to raise the concerns but she hasn't met any of us," the Prime Minister said.

Nsibambi said despite recent indications that major donors including Britain may cut aid to Uganda; there was no evidence that the donors are getting jittery over the country's democratic process.

"There is no cause for alarm," he said. "The donors are asking for clarifications and we clarify to their satisfaction as we have always done," Nsibambi said.

But Mr John Nagenda, President Museveni's senior adviser on media and public relations, said the World Bank should be mindful of the wishes of the majority of Ugandans.

"I can assure you that whether you and me like the third term or not, by all indices, it appears it will go through because that is what the majority of Ugandans want. Who says that there would be a civil war because the majority want Museveni?" he asked.

"If Museveni stands in 2006, the majority, if they don't want him - he will be shown the door. That is democracy," Nagenda said on telephone.

Nagenda said the World Bank should be democratic.

"It should use its people on the ground to discover what Ugandans want. It would be tragic if the World Bank uses its financial power to punish the majority of Ugandans. We are also asking the rest of the donors why they think they should speak for Ugandans," Nagenda said.

The report expresses worry about the militarisation of politics and the increasing influence on Uganda's military matters by the Presidential Guard Brigade (PGB), President Museveni's elite guard whose members have been reportedly recruited by Museveni's brother, Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh, and his son, Maj. Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Kainerugaba is a commander in the PGB.

"The PGB is a classic praetorian guard, i.e. a military unit apart from the regular army whose sole purpose is to ensure that the head of government remains in power.

"While its exact size and equipment is a subject of speculation, the fact that it is big and well equipped, including such weaponry as battle cars, tanks, and armoured personnel carriers is not in doubt; nor does the government deny such," the report says.

"Whether the purpose of the PGB is to protect the regime against any potential intervention into Uganda's politics by the UPDF, or to suppress other opponents is unclear, but the raison d'etre (purpose) of the PGB is not the defence of Uganda borders," the report says.

"Observers knowledgeable about Uganda's military note that several senior officers from the PGB, including Muhoozi, have been redeployed to the UPDF to enhance its capacity and loyalty," the report says in a critique of the PGB formation.

Crossing Borders - The Tear of Returning to the "Normal"

2005-05-19T02:58:00.000+01:00

As I flew over Sudan and Algeria on the trip that would eventually return me to the United States, I closed my eyes and listened to Italian opera music. My mind was racing with the stories, people and moments that composite a disjointed portrait of my last 15 weeks in Uganda. Returning home, I feel torn. I am physically back in Massachusetts, but I think I left my heart and soul in Uganda. Which I guess means I will have to return soon to retrieve them. Or reside with them.

There is a quote from Aidan Hartley's book The Zanzibar Chest - a book I highly recommend - that really sums up a lot of whay I am feeling at the moment. "In the midst of carnage, you will see the utter evil and the supreme good, side-by-side. We will rarely find it in so-called 'normal' life. I know that the privilege of witnessing the extremes stretches something inside the heart or the soul or the mind, so that there is a void we cannot ever hope to fill in again in ourselves."

My time in Uganda stretched me and will continue to stretch me. I cannot ever forget being sprayed in the eyes with tear gas as the police repressed peaceful demonstrators against Museveni's third term project. I will never forget walking through the horrifying IDP camps of northern Uganda that hold more than 1.6 million people, a forgotten people victim to a 19-year old hidden war. I shall never forget the vibrancy of the Kampala streets, the welcome of a people alive with spirit, the stars of the African night, Tusker beers, the music that booms in Old Taxi Park, the bumpy roads from Mbale, the boisterous Nile River, the fact that nothing ever works ever, the quiet Victoria Lake and the lush green hills of amatookye. And of course, it is impossible to forget the people I met, the many who I will forever consider my real brothers and sisters.

Returning to the United States has been a shock. First, it was so different to see white faces everywhere. Beyond the obvious, I have been struck by the beautiful women in skimpy clothing who adorn the covers of countless magazines, the shiny SUVs that dominate the roads (and consume massive amounts of petroleum, thus fueling civil resources wars in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East), the fact that people never greet each other, the traffic lights, the washing machines and more. Everything here is so ordered, so mechanized. I wonder where is the chaos and the madness that gave such vibrancy to Kampala? Or in other words, where is the human spirit free and creative? I fear our evolved societies have devolved inhumanely, stripping human autonomy.

I will write more in the coming days because I must. And I will continue to write in this web log of news about Uganda, and especially news about our campaign - Uganda Conflict Action Network - to push for an end to the brutal war in northern Uganda.

The challenge of connecting worlds and realities that are so easily disconnected by the constructed barriers of our world is perhaps the most noble and important in our globalized day. It is an endless struggle of the individual and the communal, which in the end believes that our destiny is wrapped up in that of one another. Together, we struggle.

To Tame the Savageness of Man - Final Mass Update from Kampala

2005-05-14T16:31:00.000+01:00

This is my final mass email update to my friends and family -

Dear Baganda Bange (my brothers and sisters),

It was the first and only time I had spaghetti in Uganda. We were eating on the lawn at the Acholi Inn, the heavily-guarded hotel on the outskirts of Gulu town in northern Uganda, with the booming drums from a traditional Acholi dance ceremony ringing in the distance. I was sitting there with my two friends and travel compaions, Nate and James, nursing Tuskers, the Kenyan beer publicized with the slogan 'My country, my beer.'

At the table to my right sat four UPDF army commanders, accused by many of benefiting from the persistence of the 19-year old war. At the table ten yards in front of us sat Sam Kolo, the highest ranking officer of the LRA (Lord's Resistance Army) to leave the "bush" for amnesty, a man guilty of some of the most brutal and worst crimes known to man. Sitting there, my mind wandered to the people of Starch Factory IDP camp in Lira - the victims of this war who have been raped, starved, abducted and killed while the government and international community have done nothing. Nate remarked, "Ain't this some shit." I couldn't have agreed with him more.

So, ogambaki my baganda bange? Or as people say in much of northern Uganda, kopanyo? How are you? Gyebale to all of you. It has been far too long since I last wrote one of my far too long mass emails, but I wanted to make sure I wrote one final one before I depart this Monday for the long journey north and then west that will eventually place me back in Red Sox country. Perhaps I should say World Series champions Red Sox country. That's more fitting.

It would be foolish to attempt to tell you all that has happened in the last month, let alone attempt to draw some conclusions as I depart from the "pearl of Africa." I actually want to do something radical for me - keep this email short. In that vein, I wanted to share one experience, one epiphany and one exegesis.

The experience - During my third trip to northern Uganda, I visited Noah's Ark, a center for children who "commute" to town at night from the rural villages and IDP camps to get security from LRA attacks. We traveled by bike across town in the dark to see this center, which is really a series of tents surrounded by barbed-wire fence, not unlike what I imagine concentration camps looked like on the outside during the Holocaust. As we walked towards the gates, the kids came into focus. And the numbers were enormous. There were over 2000 kids in ripped, dirty clothes ranging in age from a few months old to seventeen. They all sat, huddled together wearing stares of fear.

We visited the tents where these children sleep - they sleep on the dirt with blankets, gridlocked together like Africans on a slave ship across the Middle Passage. After visiting the tents, we walked back to the entrance. As we moved up the hill, the children rushed past us to secure their spots for sleep. It was an overwhelming emotional moment - seemingly endless waves of little malnourished, fear-ridden, cute children walking and running past us. And then the kids choir in the camp, which had been practicing in the distance, started singing a song. We could only make out one word: peace.

If you want to know more about these children, visit - http://www.unicef.org/media/media_21312.html or http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/picture_gallery/05/africa_night_commuters/html/1.stm or http://wwwnotes.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/0/57bf748c1437a97549256ea5000ae163?OpenDocument

The epiphany - The more I have learned about this horrific 19-year old war, the more I have realized the complicity of the international community, especially the United States in the persistence of the war. Subsequently, I have learned that the United States government, if it used its significant power in Uganda, could push President Museveni to serious negotiations that would likely end the war. As one analyst told me, "If the U.S. woke up and decided at breakfast that it wanted the war to end, it would be over by dinner." It could happen. And it should happen.

This summer, I, along with my good friend Michael Poffenberger, will be launching a new campaign, called the Uganda Conflict Action Network (Uganda-CAN). We will be operating under the wing of Africa Faith and Justice Network to expose the silence and complicity of the U.S. government in this subtle genocide, while pushing the government to act for a peaceful resolution of the war. With enough support and commitment, we believe our campaign can have a massive impact on the lives of Ugandans living on the brink of death. When I spoke with Betty Bigombe, the chief peace negotiator about our campaign, she told me that our work "would be a major contribution to peace in northern Uganda."

To be successful, we need your help with funding, volunteerism, advocacy and more. I have already received tens of emails from people who want to help with the campaign. We have already raised $5000 thanks to many generous donors. The people of northern Uganda are crying out for your and my attention, for the world's attention. For too long, this war has been hidden and ignored, resulting in a situation most appropriately described as hell on earth. One woman in an IDP camp in Lira told me, "If the international community does not do anything soon, we will all die and be forgotten."

Email Michael or I to get involved (pquarant@nd.edu).

The exegesis - The famous Greek poet Aeschylus wrote that we should dedicate ourselves to "tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world." As I depart from this place that has taught and given me so much, I am not more certain of anything else. Facing the realities and deep contradictions of our world hurts. Facing the very real and horrific suffering faced by millions and millions of people across the globe hurts, confuses, depresses and breaks us. It shatters our preconceived, socialized notions of how things are, how things should be or even how things can be. Looking at a world deeply tarnished by the real inhumane effects of systems of violence and oppression, it is nearly impossible to have hope.

I do not believe we will ever eliminate the capacity for brutal, vicious evil that lies within all hearts, including yours and mine. Nonetheless, we struggle tirelessly to create structures and mechanisms that foster active values of inclusion, equity and justice. We creatively utilize our power in movements for a more humane and just tomorrow. We are compelled to work to embed norms of human rights, human dignity and human justice into our societal fabric. In doring so, we seek to create a world where it easier for humans to be good; a world that empowers the capacity for good in the human heart. A world that tames the savageness of man and makes gentle the life of this world.

As I leave Uganda, I will deeply miss this country. I will miss the madness of the taxi park, the music that makes ordinary people dance on the streets, the colors, the fruits, the sunshine, the greetings and so much more. Most of all, I will miss the many friends I have made here, people whom I will forever consider my brothers and sisters in a real sense. As we cross the many constructed barriers of our world - national boundaries, religion, ethnicity, age, gender, sexuality, economic status, eduation - I really believe we find there is a human oneness that weaves itself through all life wherever it thrives.

I am excited to come home to see all of you, but I know there is a part of me that will never leave Uganda. And I will definitely be back. Soon.

Thanks for reading these lengthy emails and following my blog postings over the last three and a half months. It means so much to know that we journey not alone, but together. Best wishes wherever your path leads you in the coming months, and stay in touch!

Peace,
Pete

Updates as we Wind on Down the Road... - Final Days in Uganda

2005-05-13T13:29:00.000+01:00

It has been far too long since I last chimed in on this blog. Last week was a mad rush to write and publish my report - titled "They are Feeding off our Blood": The Struggle for Peace in Uganda's Tenuous Political Climate. I will put the report up on my website - www.nd.edu/~pquarant - as soon as I get home.

After the madness of writing, our group traveled to Ssese Islands in the middle of Lake Victoria to present our findings and have final groups debriefings. The island was beautiful, and the opportunity to relax much needed. Yet, I find myself growing sad as my final days in the "pearl of Africa" (for now) pass.

I intend to write tomorrow some reflections, not conclusions, on my fifteen weeks here in Uganda, which I will post here.

In good news, the human rights complaint that my friend wrote about the discrimination against homosexuals in HIV/AIDS policy has already received some great press coverage. Just small coverage from international news agencies will force the Uganda Human Rights Commission and the government to respond. The struggle will inevitably be a long one, but this is definitely an example of the power we have as consciencious citizens to utilize our power to push for a more just and humane world. I will also post my friend's report on my website in a week when I am back in the United States.

Finally, my little brother, Dan, graduates today from Xaverian Brothers High School in Massachusetts. I am really excited for him and wish I could be there. Congrats, Dan.

Best wishes to you wherever you stumble upon the blog. More to come tomorrow.

Museveni's Third Term: A Test for the Bush Administration?

2005-05-05T07:53:00.000+01:00

The following is an editorial written this week by a former U.S. ambassador, Johnnie Carson, to Uganda -

FOR the past decade, Uganda has been one of Africa's success stories. It has been held up as an African poster child for economic reform, improved human rights, and a champion in the struggle against the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The man responsible for its success has been President Yoweri Museveni.

Charismatic and affable, Museveni is regarded as one of the most influential leaders in Africa. However, his thirst for power and quest for a controversial third presidential term may return Uganda to its dictatorial past.

Before Museveni came to power in 1986, Uganda was one of Africa's most notorious killing fields. From 1971-79, Uganda was ruled by Idi Amin, a former Ugandan army sergeant who seized power from the country's first elected president, Dr Milton Obote.

During his eight years in office, Amin unleashed a reign of terror. He started by expelling some 70,000 Ugandan-Asians from the country and confiscating their land and property. As his tyranny gained steam, he turned on his fellow Africans. Under his orders, Amin's troops killed more than 500,000 Ugandans in the central part of the country.

A Tanzanian-led invasion of Uganda in 1979 led to the overthrow of Amin's bloody regime, but it did not usher in a period of peace. Backed by Tanzania's president, the late Julius Nyerere, Uganda's first president, Milton Obote, was returned to power.

However, instead of instituting economic and political reforms, Obote engaged in retribution, unleashing his troops on previous political adversaries, as well as the remnants of Idi Amin's discredited army. In three years, Obote was able to create nearly as much havoc as Amin.

A younger Yoweri Museveni led the successful guerrilla campaign that stopped ethnic killing and ousted Obote and his thugs from power. Although it took some months for Museveni to solidify his authority over several rival political groups and pacify the majority, by 1986 he was able to consolidate his authority, stop the political violence, and win political recognition from Uganda's neighbours.

Unlike Obote and Amin, Museveni established himself as a genuine reformer and innovative thinker. Demonstrating remarkable courage, he reversed Amin's 1973 Asian expulsion order and agreed to return all the houses, shops, and large agricultural estates to their previous Asian owners. He also adopted a major economic reform programme, which won the praise of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.

However, Museveni's greatest success came in public health when he became the first African leader to speak out publicly against the dangers of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Mobilising his government, Museveni's leadership has made Uganda a model in the fight against HIV/AIDS in the developing world.

While Museveni's reforms and leadership have led to stability and growth, his handling of two domestic issues threaten to disrupt the progress that Uganda has made over the last 15 years and to cast Museveni as just another African president unwilling to give up power.

Under a new constitution in 1996, Museveni was limited to two five-year terms. However, over the last two years, Museveni has shown an increasing desire not to move on when his term ends in 2006.

A strong critic of Uganda's former political leaders, Museveni has been a reluctant supporter of a full return to multiparty politics in his own country. Now, with political party activity expanding, Museveni seems determined to engineer a controversial constitutional change that will clear the way for him to remain in power.

All of Uganda's major opposition parties have accused the Ugandan president of using the Police to intimidate their leaders and suppress public demonstrations.

Museveni's attempted power grab has also caused a deep rift inside his own political organisation.

When several of his Cabinet colleagues voiced opposition to the constitutional amendment extending presidential terms, Museveni threw them out.

Many observers see Museveni's efforts to amend the Constitution as a rerun of a common problem that afflicts many African leaders - an unwillingness to follow constitutional norms and give up power. If Museveni succeeds in remaining in office, he will probably tighten his grip on power and slow down the return to multiparty democracy.

Much depends on what Museveni decides to do in the next year and whether the United States, Great Britain, and Africa's new reformist leaders will speak out against Museveni's efforts to retain power.

Uganda may also be an early test of whether the Bush administration's policy of promoting democracy extends to major African countries.

If Museveni succeeds in his desire to win a third term, we may be looking at another Mugabe and Zimbabwe in the making.

The writer was US ambassador to Uganda, and now senior vice president at the National Defence University in Washington

The Criminalization and Systematic Discrimination against Sexual Minorities in Uganda

2005-05-05T07:34:00.000+01:00

I thought I would post this press release that a friend of mine here has been working on for the past few weeks. The criminalization and systematic discrimination against homosexuals in Uganda and most of sub-Saharan Africa remains of the most hidden injustices throughout the world. This suffering deserves attention and substantive legal action to ensure basic human rights.

**For Immediate Release**

Uganda’s HIV/AIDS Policy Systematically Abuses Human Rights

Contact: Sexual Minorities Uganda – Kampala, Uganda
Tel: +256-78-460-642
+256-78-696-823
805-234-6171
Email: sm_ug2004@yahoo.com

Kampala – The plight of Ugandan sexual minorities continues as one of the worst and most hidden human rights abuses in East Africa. Facing this gross injustice, Sexual Minorities in Uganda (SMUG) is filing a human rights complaint to expose abuses in HIV/AIDS policy that intentionally and disproportionately kill Ugandan homosexuals.

The government of Uganda disallows appropriate HIV/AIDS treatment and counseling for gays and lesbians because of their sexual preferences. This denial of health service indisputably harms these people, resulting in unsafe sexual practices and unmitigated HIV rates that may disproportionately exceed those of heterosexuals. This heinous discrimination egregiously violates:

The Constitution of the Republic of Uganda
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)

The government of Uganda pledged to uphold the principles of each of these documents or agreements, but in the case of HIV/AIDS, it does not.

In addition, the government-sponsored violation and criminalization of homosexuality (Section 145 of the penal code) tie the hands of powerful and effective HIV/AIDS organizations in Uganda who are genuinely interested in protecting and informing all Ugandans of their HIV/AIDS risks.

The Uganda Human Rights Commission, who has previously refused to hear cases concerning homosexuality, may be contacted at:

UHRC Headquarters – Kampala, Uganda
E-mail: uhrc@uhrc.org
Tel: 256-041-348006/8
Fax: 256-041-255261
www.uhrc.org

Crying for Attention, Singing for Peace - Awareness is Not Enough Anymore.

2005-04-29T15:55:00.000+01:00

I returned from the north on Wednesday and have been meaning to write since then. This trip was an intense one, which left me really tired and overwhelmed by the suffering that continues horrifically as I write. There is a gloom that hangs over northern Uganda, tarnishing what should be a land of beauty and production.

Perhaps the most intense experience of this trip was visiting Noah's Ark, a center for children who "commute" to the town at night from the rural villages and IDP camps to get security from LRA attacks. We traveled by bike across town in the dark to see this center, which is really a series of tents surrounded by barbed-wire fence, not unlike what I imagine concentration camps looked like on the outside during the Holocaust.

As we walked towards the gates, the kids came into focus. And the numbers were enormous. There were over 2000 kids in ripped, dirty clothes ranging in age from a few months old to seventeen. They all sat, huddled together wearing stares of fear. We visited the tents where these children sleep - they sleep on the dirt floor with blankets, gridlocked together like Africans on a slave ship across the Middle Passage.

Can you imagine? These children as young as one-year old have to walk miles in the late afternoon into town where they sleep inside barbed wired fences, overcrowded into tents. At the break of dawn, they march back to their villages. And they do this everyday. Every single day. Can you imagine living such a life dictated by fear and poverty? Can you imagine living such a life as a three-year old? It is abominable. And the numbers in these "night commuter" centers are increasing due to more attacks from the LRA and greater insecurity.

After we visited the tents, we started to walk back to the entrance. As we moved up the hill, the children rushed past us to secure their spots for sleep. It was an emotional moment - seemingly endless waves of little malnourished, fear-ridden, cute children walking past us. And then the kids choir in the camp, which had been practicising in the distance, started singing a song. We could only make out one word: peace.

My trips to the north have been overbearing, and the last one perhaps the most. Yet it is often more overbearing to leave the north because we then face the daunting task of trying to connect worlds that seem so distant, so disconnected. Returning to the busy, bustling streets of Kampala was overwhelming because I could not forget those children who walked past us to sleep in barbed-wired camps, the victims of the LRA without lips, eyes or ears, the escaped little children abducted into the LRA forced to kill and rape, or the cries of a people for peace.

We should not forget. I should not forget. And even more, we must act because this situation is so violent inhumane and brutal, destroying lives every single day. Destroying a whole culture, a society. It really is a subtle form of genocide. Every day that we settle for simple awareness more people die. The horrors demand action.

So that is what we are trying to do with our Uganda Conflict Action Network - push for awareness that is transformed into serious action to help the people who are on the brink of annihilation. Starting this summer, we are going to launch a campaign to raise awareness about the war, and then to mobilize people to pressure Washington to act seriously for a peaceful resolution to end the war in northern Uganda.

Everyone I have talked to here says that if Washington decided it wanted the conflict to end at breakfast, it would be over by dinner. The U.S. has a huge influence over the Museveni regime, and if the US, using its clout (military and economic aid) demands that he take peace talks seriously, he will. The U.S. needs to send a senior diplomat to Kampala soon to send this message to Museveni, and then the U.S., along with European countries, needs to send peace envoys to secure the safe zones of ceasefire, monitor the peace talks and help rebuild trust.

I had the honor while in the north of interviewing Betty Bigombe, the chief peace negotiator for the conflict. She is a passionate, determined woman whose efforts are frustrated by the military endeavors and lack of international support. I told her about our campaign. She told me, "Your campaign will be a major contribution to peace for our people here."

As I wrote before, the task of this campaign is daunting and difficult. Yet, the stakes could not be higher andthe cause more worthy. If you're interested in joining Uganda-CAN or helping with a much-needed donation, email me at peterquaranto@yahoo.com. Peace from Uganda to all of you across the seas.

From Beautiful Jinja to the War-Torn North

2005-04-24T17:44:00.000+01:00

This weekend, I traveled to Jinja - the former industrial center of Uganda, a town about 100 kilometers east of Kampala. Jinja is a beautiful town, located right on the banks of both Lake Victoria and the Nile River. I went to visit the Holy Cross fathers there who run a few schools and have a center for up-and-coming east African seminarians. They were extremely hospitable, feeding me a great fish dinner and touring me around their different sites.

Now I am back up in northern Uganda for three day stint of interviews and research. As I got up here, I was struck by the massive numbers of street children here. More and more are now entering the city as the sun falls. They are pushed into the town for safety from the Lord's Resistance Army, which seeks to abduct and manipulate children for their use as soldiers. The Uganda military, UPDF, has failed to provide security in the rural areas, so these children are sent by their parents to spent the night in the town, where they will sleep on the streets under verandas.

I have heard that there is a powerful documentary called "Invisible Children" about the plight of these "night commuter" children in the Uganda war. Many people have praised it and said it is very accurate in regards to the tremendous suffering faced by children here.

I will write more about my findings and experiences here as the days go on. I am once again struck by the diversity of this country, highlighted by my quick journey from the beautiful, growing town of Jinja to the war-torn north of Uganda. The regional paradoxes and contradictions accentuate the crisis of national identity in modern Uganda. More on this in the days ahead.

Washington, Don't Forget Uganda

2005-04-22T10:47:00.000+01:00

As I have written so many times before, the political climate in Uganda is explosive. On Wednesday, two MPs in the opposition were arrested and charged with murder in a dangerously political move by the government. The opposition is claiming this is just government intimidation, and they claim the government is ushering in a major "political crisis." The link to the article in today's Monitor is here: http://allafrica.com/stories/200504210799.html.

At the end of the article it talks about the power of the international community to affect positive change here in Uganda. As I wrote in my two articles this week, if the U.S. government wants something to happen in Uganda and acts for it, it will happen. The U.S. provides massive amounts of economic and military aid to Uganda, and has been a vital advocate of President Youweri Museveni. In recent days, the U.S. has become much more critical of Uganda's political affairs, but it must do more than just make statements.

Especially regarding the war in northern Uganda, the United States has an opportunity to use its clout for an end to a vicious war that has caused mass suffering and death. If the United States pushes serious peace negotiations and provides envoys to build trust for such talks, peace can be achieved. We are forming Uganda Conflict Action Network to raise awareness of this and push the U.S. government to utilize such an opportunity to do good.

I pray that the cries of Ugandans do not fall on deaf ears in Washington. I believe, though, that they will unless we demand action.

"Welcome to Hell on Earth" - Observer Column

2005-04-21T17:05:00.000+01:00

The following is a basically smaller version of the article I wrote for the Catholic Worker newspaper, however it includes the new name of the campaign I am going to be working on this summer with Africa Faith and Justice Network. The name is Uganda Conflict Action Network (U-CAN or Uganda-CAN). The abbreviations are really cool. The credit goes to the witty, brilliant Michael Poffenberger, new associate director of AFJN.

In the madness of trying to get funds and support to launch the campaign, I haven't been able to write much, but know I am well and working a lot. I will hopefully write more about happenings here and our campaign in the coming days. Cheers across the seas.

"Welcome to Hell on Earth: Hear the Cries of Northern Uganda"
To be published in the Observer (Notre Dame newspaper) on Wednesday, April 27

The people of northern Uganda have no place to rest their head. "Since 1986, we have only had restless nights," an old woman at Ader camp told me. "We are starving to death. Our children have been abducted, our daughters raped and our entire villages destroyed. We have no future. By the time you return, we will probably all be dead."

The woman is right. Over the last 18 years, the people of northern Uganda have died and are continuing to die amidst silence from the international community. Since 1986, the north of Uganda has been ravaged by a war that has left tens of thousands dead, over 25,000 children abducted and more than 1.6 million people now living in internally-displaced peoples (IDP) camps of the most squalor conditions.

Images speak louder than statistics – viciously malnourished children lying naked on the dirt with flies all over their bodies, tents made of plastic bags housing more than ten people, elderly wasting away in their own feces, 12-year old girls forced into prostitution for as little as 500 shillings (30 cents), a people living in constant destabilizing fear.

As I walked through these camps, I was horrified by these images and the stories that followed them. I wanted to cry and vomit. The situation in northern Uganda really is hell on earth. And no one is even doing anything about it.

In most of the camps I visited, there is no government or international presence to provide food and relief to these people. In some cases, the government has not even recognized that camps – with thousands and thousands of people – exist. As one man told me, "We are forgotten. The government has successfully hidden this war. We will die and no one will ever know what happened here."

This horror is the result of a vicious 18-year old civil/proxy war that has pitted the government against the Lord’s Resistance Army, an apocalyptic-spiritual insurgency seeking to overthrow the current regime. The LRA has waged war on the civilian population, while the government has simply contained the conflict, lacking any commitment or will to end the war.

Since 1994, the war has become more complex and gruesome as the LRA has filled its ranks by abducting, brainwashing and manipulating children ranging from ages seven to seventeen. In some cases, the children are initially forced to kill their own family or burn down homes full of as many as twenty people. The LRA commanders violently instill fear into them, transforming children into the most vicious killers.

The accounts of the gruesome and horrific ways in which such children have then killed are immensely disturbing. When I interviewed one 17-year old escaped abductee, he told me sickening accounts of his abduction. Yet even more disturbing was watching the pain as this boy recalled the dark memories. He kept looking to the floor, his hand shaking and his neck twitching. The situation really is hell on earth.

Perhaps the most disturbing element is how the war has gone on for so long with no serious action from the Ugandan government or international community. Since 1986, President Museveni has insisted on a "military solution" to the war, though his approach has only further marginalized northerners, exacerbated mistrust and fueled more violence.

Since 2001 when the United States branded the LRA a "terrorist group," the Ugandan government has been able to abrogate its responsibility for the war. Receiving U.S. military aid, Museveni has sought to defeat Kony instead of engaging in serious peace talks. Yet, almost all independent observers believe such talks are the key to peace.

The people suffering in the north have completely lost faith in the government, so they are thus appealing to the international community for help as their last hope. "This government does not care about us. Our only hope is to the international community to come in and end this war." One young man told me, "When you go back to your country, tell the people that they are our last hope. If the international community does not act, we will all die."

Unfortunately, he is right. The government will only commit to negotiations if there is serious pressure from the international community, most especially the United States. One political analyst told me, "The United States is the only country Museveni cannot ignore. If the U.S. wants this war to end, it will end."

If the American people demanded the U.S. government utilize their clout in Uganda to save lives and end a war, it would happen. And it should happen.

This summer, I will work with the recently-formed Africa Faith and Justice Network to launch a campaign to expose the silence and complicity of the U.S. government in this subtle genocide, while pushing the government to act for the peaceful resolution of the war. With enough support and commitment, this campaign, called the Uganda Conflict Action Network (Uganda-CAN) can have a massive impact on the lives of Ugandans living on the brink of death.

The people of northern Uganda are crying out for your and my attention, for the world’s attention. For too long, this war has been hidden and ignored, resulting in a situation most appropriately described as hell on earth. I ask you to join the Uganda-CAN as we demand an end to this war. The stakes could not be higher and the cause more worthy.

"Hear the Cries of Northern Uganda" - Article for Catholic Worker Newspaper

2005-04-20T17:57:00.000+01:00

I wrote the following for the Catholic Worker newspaper based in New York -

"Hear the Cries of Northern Uganda"
written 20 April 2005

The people of northern Uganda have no place to rest their head. “Since 1986, we have only had restless nights,” an old woman at Ader camp told me. “We are starving to death. Our children have been abducted, our daughters raped and our entire villages destroyed. We have no future. By the time you return, we will probably all be dead.”

The woman is right. Over the last 18 years, the people of northern Uganda have died and are continuing to die amidst silence from the international community. Since 1986, the north of Uganda has been ravaged by a civil war that has left tens of thousands dead, more than 25,000 children abducted and more than 1.6 million people now living in internally-displaced peoples (IDP) camps of the most squalor conditions.

Through the School for International Training, an academic global exchange program committed to building cross-cultural competencies, I find myself walking through IDP camps witnessing a crisis that can only be described as “hell on earth.” As part of an independent study project on the relationship between the war and the repressive political climate, I traveled north. What I found was sickening.

Throughout the northern regions of Uganda, more than 1.6 million people have been pushed into camps by the violence of the Lord’s Resistance Army against the Ugandan government. The government has proclaimed commitment to providing security in the camps, but violent raids by the LRA are still common in many camps. Beyond the daily reality of violence, the conditions in these camps are putrid and violently inhuman.

There are appalling statistics about starvation and infant mortality rates, but it is the images that speak louder than numbers – viciously malnourished children lying naked on the dirt with flies all over their bodies, tents made of plastic bags taped together housing more than ten people, elderly wasting away in their own feces, 12-year old girls forced into prostitution for as little as 500 shillings (30 cents), a people living in constant destabilizing fear.

In some of the camps I visited, there is no NGO, government or international presence to provide food and relief to these people on the brink of death. In some cases, the government has not even recognized that camps – with thousands and thousands of people – exist. It took nearly two decades for the government to declare the northern region a disaster area, thus qualifying it for international emergency relief. As one man told me, “We are forgotten. The government has successfully hidden this war. We will die and no one will ever know what happened here.”

To understand the horror of the situation, it is critical to understand the historical background in which the war arose. First, the harsh colonial rule of the British exploited and perpetuated a north-south divide in the early 20th century, after insensitively carving out the nation of Uganda – a lumping of over fifty tribes with numerous languages and cultures. The colonial masters left a dark legacy that continues to the present, mixed with forces of neo-colonialism in our modern internationalized economic order.

Uganda’s post-independence political history has been scorched by a culture of rebellion where the political norm has become utilizing violent means to gain political power. This culture has only further pervaded fear and divided Ugandans along lines of ethnicity, tribe, class and region. In this hostile political climate, the lack of adequate institutions for groups to address grievances has laid the seeds for violent rebellions.

The current war in northern Uganda began in 1986 when the current president Youweri Museveni and his National Resistance Army marched on Kampala staging a coup d’etat. The existing regime and army, dominated by northerners, fled north to the Sudanese border where they organized into the Uganda People’s Defense Army. Over the next five years, the UPDA negotiated with the government, but left a vacuum quickly filled by the Holy Spirit Movement, an apocalyptic religious army. The HSM also faltered to government military might, but was replaced by the Lord’s Resistance Army, the rebel group of today.

Little is known about the LRA, except for its leader Joseph Kony, a former UPDA commander who also supposedly believes himself to be divine. The government, and consequently the international community, has painted Kony as a crazed religious zealot driven by the Ten Commandments who kills for the sake of killing. Yet, the writings and recordings of Kony seem to suggest a less-than-crazed man who is driven by a hatred of and desire to overthrow the current Museveni government. It is clear that this uncertainty about the LRA has only further marginalized the group and hindered effective peace efforts.

The most complex and gruesome part of the war has been the child abductions carried out by the LRA since 1994. Since that time, the LRA has abducted, brainwashed and manipulated more than 25,000 children, ranging from ages seven to seventeen. In some cases, the children are forced to kill their own family or burn down homes with as many as twenty people at the beginning of their abduction. Entering into the bush, the children witness and sometimes have to participate in the killing and cutting up of failed escapees. In one account, the children were forced to throw around a severed head, which was then placed on a stick to remind the children of the consequences of attempting escape.

Instilled with fear and brainwashed to equate fighting with survival, these little children become the most vicious killers. People in IDP camps proclaim that they fear the abducted children the most because they kill with little remorse or discrimination. The accounts of the gruesome and horrific ways in which such children have killed and abducted are immensely disturbing, and raise thorny, complex questions about human nature.

Visiting the Rachele Rehabilitation Center, one of five centers for rehabilitating and reintegrating escaped abductees, I was able to speak with one 17-year old boy who spent a little more than one year in the “bush.” The story this boy, like all the escaped abductees, told was sickening, but even more disturbing was watching the pain as this boy recalled the dark memories. He kept looking to the floor, his hand shaking and his neck twitching. Watching this, I could only think about how the situation in northern Uganda really is hell on earth.

The suffering and destruction of the children of northern Uganda is probably the hardest element of the war to face. It is also one of the hardest to understand. How has it been possible for such evil to exist and continue for over a decade? Of course, the politico-economic context provides some answer to that query, but at some level, the horror forces us to face the nature of evil in our world and in our own hearts.

In recent years, especially with the LRA being branded a “terrorist group” by the United States post-9/11, the Ugandan government has attempted to claim that the LRA arose in a vacuum as a killing force with the sole aim of abusing innocent people. This way of thinking that those of us in the United States know so well these days allows the government to abrogate its responsibility for the origin of the LRA, the continuance of the war and the failure to protect its citizens. Through its control over the media, the government in Uganda has been able to spread such a narrow-minded view of the war throughout the international arena.

It is indisputable that the LRA is to blame, but it is also indisputable to any clear observer of the war’s history that the government of Uganda also shares that blame. Since its arrival to power, the Museveni regime has politically and subsequently economically marginalized the north. The government has failed to possess commitment or will to end the conflict, and some even blame the government for benefiting from the political capital presented by the war.

President Museveni has continually pushed for a military solution when it is clear that negotiations are the way to end the war. President Museveni’s blind desire for a military victory has developed massive mistrust among northerners, while he has neglected to provide will for peace talks. The vulnerable victims have suffered amidst this war politicking.

When I was interviewing people in the camps, they repeatedly told me, “Our priority is peace.” They do not care how or from whom it comes; these people yearn for peace and security. There are eighteen and seventeen-year old boys and girls who have grown up in IDP camps and never known a day of peace. The longevity of the conflict has left most people hopeless. One man told me, “We are a hopeless people. As it stands, we have no future. In many ways, we are already dead.”

The war has been complicated over time as it has become internationalized as a proxy war between Uganda and Sudan. In 1994, the government in Khartoum started funding the LRA after the Ugandan government provided support to the rebel SPLA in southern Sudan. The arms flow from the Sudanese government to LRA sustained and exacerbated the conflict. In response, the Ugandan government further militarized the north by arming more than 20,000 individuals in local militias. The deluge of arms into this region has created a hostile environment, making a sustainable peace more distant.

This proxy war invited the less-than-generous involvement of the West, especially the United States, which provided military support to the Ugandan government and SPLA against what it perceived as Arab-Sudan axis fostering a wave of Islamic fundamentalism. To this day, the U.S. government’s military aid to Uganda has perpetuated the military approach.

Even further, the United States and Britain have invested enormous sums of aid into the Ugandan society and have praised it as a “success story” in Africa. When the United Nations has sought to speak out against the atrocities in north Uganda, the U.S. has blocked such negative discussion related to the so-called “pearl of Africa.” In this, the United States remains passively complicit in the war.

The people suffering in the north have completely lost faith in the government, so they are appealing to the international community for help. “This government does not care about us. Our only hope is to the international community to come in and end this war.” One young man told me, “When you go back to your country, tell the people that they are our last hope. If the international community does not act, we will all die.”

Unfortunately, he is probably right. According to most objective observers of the LRA and war, it is clear that only negotiations, built on an elongated ceasefire and security mechanisms to rebuild trust will bring the LRA “out of the bush.” A recent report by the International Crisis Group titled “Shock Therapy for Northern Uganda’s Peace Process” gives more specific details on how the peace process can work.

Yet, government and military officials continue to proclaim their faith in the military approach. This government will only commit to negotiations if there is serious pressure from the international community, most especially the United States. One political analyst told me, “The United States is the only country Museveni cannot ignore. If the U.S. wants this war to end, it will end.”

The internationalization and globalization of the modern world definitely challenges us to broaden our understanding of values such as active love, solidarity, justice and the common good. How to practice solidarity and community in such a large, complex world? Today, it is undeniable that one’s actions in the United States can affect women in Iraq or children in Nepal. Such is the case in Uganda. If the American people demanded the U.S. government utilize their clout in Uganda to save lives and end a war, it would happen. And it should happen.

This summer, I will be working with the recently-formed Africa Faith and Justice Network to launch a campaign to expose the silence and complicity of the U.S. government in this subtle genocide, while pushing the U.S. government to act for the peaceful resolution of the war. The U.S. government can pressure the Ugandan government to commit to substantial peace talks. With enough support and commitment, this campaign can have a massive impact on the lives of Ugandans living on the brink of death in camps. It can set a new standard of how we utilize international networks and a globalized world to promote justice and humanity.

However, the war will not end simply when hostilities cease for the 18 years of conflict have created their deadly circumstances. The biggest problem is that HIV/AIDS has run rampant throughout the north, especially in the IDP camps. One man told me, “Almost everyone in these camps is infected. In five or ten years, people are going to be dying of disease in mass numbers.” Beyond HIV/AIDS, troubling questions of land distribution, economic institutions, medical access, education and psycho-social problems do and will abound. There will be need for massive amounts of development and relief aid.

The darkest and most complex question in a post-conflict Uganda is that of justice. Some international agents are prematurely attempting to bring in the International Criminal Court to litigate against Kony and his commanders. This is having negative implications on the prospects for peace talks, and it also raises the difficult query of achieving justice when some men have raped, abducted and brutally mutilated hundreds and even thousands of innocent individuals. Further, how do you impose justice on abducted children who have committed heinous crimes against humanity?

Interestingly, most of the people in northern Uganda are rejecting the foreign-imposed Western models for justice. The first ground for such rejection is simple – the people want peace and the ICC is hurting hopes for peace. The second ground is more interesting. In Acholi culture, there are traditional models of forgiveness and reintegration for even the worst of crimes. Even after 18 years of brutality, mass death and suffering, the Acholi people are willing to forgive at least for the sake of reintegration and peace.

In northern Uganda, perhaps the worst and the best of humanity are at play, but the worst is winning out every day in a complex, deadly situation. The war is a vicious example of how the darkest elements of the human heart can arise out of swamps of marginalization, repression and poverty. Yet, the answer to such darkness is not to simply alienate it or stomp it out; the challenge is to understand it and transform it into something good. True peace can only come from such loving transformation, not from brutal annihilation.

The people of northern Uganda are crying out for your and my attention, for the world’s attention. For too long, this war has been hidden and ignored, resulting in mass, hopeless suffering. It is time for the world to listen to the cries of northern Uganda, to move beyond simplified understandings of the war and to commit to true action for a peaceful future. I ask you to join the Africa Faith and Justice Network as we demand an end to this war. The stakes could not be higher and the cause more worthy.

The Real Nightmares of Children Abducted by the LRA - A Cry for Help

2005-04-15T13:50:00.000+01:00

Yesterday I visited the Rachele Rehabilitation Center, a center in Lira started in late 2003 to help rehabilitate escaped abductees of the Lord's Resistance Army. The kids at the center range from age 7-17, but there are also some older girls with babies that were born in the "bush" with the commanders of the LRA. Walking through the center, the children and teenagers seem like your average people - kicking around soccer balls, laughing at a movie and waving at the foreign visitors. The reality, however, is that these children have experienced, witnessed and participated in some of the most gruesome and horrific of human action.

When these children are abducted, they are immediately brainwashed and violent manipulated to turn them into vicious killing machines. Some of the children are forced to kill their own families or burn homes with tens of people inside as a start. When they get to the camp, they are forced to witness attempted escapees cut into pieces as a way to instill fear into them. In some cases, they have to participate in the cutting and killing. If they show any signs of thinking about running away, they are killed immediately.

After entrenching complex fear in them, the LRA commanders teach the boys how to use guns and then send them out on missions to loot, abduct more children and kill people in villages. Most of the boys at the center have killed tens of people in a number of complex gruesome fashions. The girls become the "wives" of the LRA commanders, subjected to all and the worst forms of sexual abuse and torture. These children, some as young as 7, see and experience and participate in things that you or I can only fathom in our worst nightmares.

And in the course of this 18-year old conflict, more than 25,000 children have been abducted and subjected to this.

At the center, I got to interview Richard, a 17-year old escaped abductee. As he recalled his abduction and life in the "bush," the pain was intensely apparent in his eyes and face and his twitching hand. It was overwhelming to just watch this poor boy wrestle with the ghosts that will haunt him for the rest of his life. How is such terror possible? And how can such terror continue on for so long with no action from the international bodies?

One of the scariest things that is difficult to understand is that people in the camps describe the children soldiers are the most vicious, deadly killers. This is a testament to the extent of brainwashing, manipulation and fearmongering that they are subjected to by the LRA commanders. Yet, it is also testament to the human capacity for evil that can be awakened in swamps of poverty, marginalisation, abuse and fear.

The stories of abducted children are many and unbearable. However, we have to hear these stories and these voices, because they are a witness to the horrors of war. And they amass a collective cry for the urgency of peace in northern Uganda.

As I write and you read this, more and more children are being subjected to the violence and horror that I have introduced above. Every second that this war continues, more suffering ensues. We have to act for the children of northern Uganda.

Hell on Earth - Revisiting the Horror of Northern Uganda

2005-04-14T07:40:00.000+01:00

I am writing from Lira town in northern Uganda, an area on the periphery of a warzone that is undisputably one of the worst humanitarian crises now facing our globe. As I write, the people here are dying of starvation, diarrhea, attacks by the Lord's Resistance Army and more. As one woman told me, "We have no future." The people of northern Uganda - more than 1.6 million living in internally-displaced peoples camps - will not have a future if we remain silent.

The last three days I have visited eight of the camps in Lira and Apac districts. The conditions are putrid and completely, violent inhuman. As my friend put it, it is "hell on earth." And it really is. The situation here is a subtle form of genocide perpetuated by the political and subsequent economic marginalisation of a people with the active and passive complicity of the government and international community.

The conditions in these camps are utterly horrifying - little kids and babies lying naked in the dirt, viciously malnourished with flies all over their bodies; elderly wasting away in puddles; more then ten people living in small tents made of plastic bags taped together; a mass of people crowded together in constant and real fear that the LRA will come to kill them and abduct their children; girls are young as 10 forced into prostitution for as little as 500 shillings a day (30 cents). The situation is truly hell on earth - a hell faced by more than 1.6 million people daily with no hope for peace or relief.

In some of the camps I visited, there is no NGO, government or international presence. In some cases, the government has not even recognized that these camps - with thousands and thousands of people - exist. One man told me, "We are starving to death. By the time you come back to see us, we will probably all be dead." There is no food, and when the people go out to the fields to cultivate, they are attacked. The government is providing no protection and possesses little commitment or will to end the war. It is truly a hopeless situation.

At the final camp I visited - Barr IDP camp in Lira - this one little boy of about 3 took my hand as we walked through what seemed to be an endless camps (home to 40,000+). It finally hit me at that moment that real people, innocent children like this boy will soon die and just become another number of the million casualties of the war. At that second, I wanted to cry and break down and vomit. How can we live in a world where such unjustifiable suffering abounds?

Or perhaps the more constructive query - how should we live? The 18-year old war and crisis in northern Uganda can end, but only if their is will from the Ugandan government and/or international community. Each of us can use our power as citizens to demand that our governments push for peace in Uganda. The capacity is undeniably there; the challenge is the will.

One old man in the camps told me, "Since 1985, we had just had sleepless nights...In some ways, we are already dead. We yearn for peace, but we have no hope anymore."

Leaping Across the Years in Uganda - a Birthday Update

2005-04-09T14:40:00.000+01:00

Yesterday I made the monumental American benchmark leap from an existence of 20 years to one of 21. One year ago, I celebrated the advent of my twenties (roaring twenties I hope) by crossing the Indiana-Ohio state border. This year, I spent the day at the Ugandan Parliament, continuing my interviews of Ugandan MPs about the war in northern Uganda. I did have a mean spanish omelette in the morning, which kicked my day off well. At night, a bunch of us went to this sweet little Italian restaurant, following by a trip to the infamous Victoria's Tavern. So now I can drink alcohol wherever I am in the world. Cheers to that.

One of the MPs that I interviewed yesterday represents Gulu District, probably the area hit hardest by the 18-year old war in northern Uganda. He told me that the current government has taken the country from a state of nationalism to one of sectarianism and tribalism. In his view, and mine, the root of the conflict is the political and subsequent economic marginalisation of northerners, dating back to the harsh systems of colonialism.

This MP also criticized much of the international community, especially the United States and World Bank, for hailing Uganda as a success story when it really is a country at war, a nation home to one of the most brutal and deadly conflict across the whole globe. We can only hope that the new World Bank president, the less-than-globally-loved Paul Wolfowitz will change the World Bank's approach in such affairs. I am not holding my breath. Sad how misperceptions can feed policy prescriptions that only exacerbate problems.

Another interesting issue here in Uganda that I have given little coverage is the plight of homosexuals. In this society, the government claims there are no homosexuals, yet they have made numerous strong statements that anyone engaging in homosexual activity will be imprisoned. Homosexuals in this country have been imprisoned without trial, tortured, humiliated and even killed. The legal code considers homosexual activity the same as sex with animals. As a result, homophobic discrimination runs rampant.

One of my friends in this program is studying this issue, and the accounts from homosexuals he is getting are startling and horrifying. Many of the bigoted attitudes held by the majority of people here are pervaded by the Christian and Muslim churches, who equate homosexuality with the works of Satan. There are no protections under law to provide for the rights of such people, and many of the human rights organizations have lacked the courage to tackle this issue. The result is a gaping chasm where multitudes of homosexuals are persecuted. This is a big problem throughout much of the world, and one that I believe the world community is going to have to face in the decades ahead.

Speaking of the religious institutions in this country, it is clear that while they do much good, they are also breeding conflict and hindering development efforts. In terms of conflict, many of the rising evangelical churches (funded mainly by conservative American church groups) are preaching hatred of Muslims. One guy in the villages told me, "I have to hate Muslims. They are bad people." In terms of hindering development, many of the churches preach against the use of birth control and condoms, where those avenues are the most effective in keeping people safe from HIV/AIDS, not to mention controlling a rapidly increasing population that is no way sustainable. While churches can be on the forefront of work for peace, justice and the common good (i.e. Acholi Religious Leaders for Peace in northern Uganda), they can also perpetuate structures and attitudes of complacency that only cause more suffering and death.

Well, I am off to the north tomorrow, to Lira District to revisit IDP camps for interviews about the causes, effects and situation of the war. I will be there for about a week, probably without computer access. You can be sure, though, I will write a lot when I get back.

Peace across the continents and days.

"Study Linguistics or Die" - Latest Observer Piece from Kampala

2005-04-06T18:05:00.000+01:00

My latest Observer column is below. The title is a bit rash, but I hope it gets people's attention. Things here in Kampala are good - lots of work interviewing different people and working on my report. The heat has lessened a bit, which is nice. Cheers.

"Study Linguistics of Die"
Column to be Published Wednesday, April 13 in Notre Dame Observer

This week as the rush to register ensues, you can choose from seventeen languages. Yet, while you can dabble in any number of these exotic tongues, you are restricted from studying the very root of it all: language itself. While anthropology might offer a novice linguistic anthropology survey course, Notre Dame, like almost all contemporary American universities, lacks a linguistics department. This absence is not only an academic void for all of us students, but it is symptomatic of a defective modern understanding of language.

It is redundant and stating the obvious to note that language is powerful, but it is the scope and nature of that power which has become cloudy in our times. As anyone who has seriously studied a foreign language knows, languages hold cultural, political, social, religious and traditional insights within their structures. Even further, the application of language holds tremendous power as selected syntax and diction have entrenched dictatorships, propelled social movements and instigated warfare. To study history, science or nearly any field without sensitivity for linguistics is to make a grave academic blunder.

Here in Uganda, study of the languages – Luganda in the central Buganda region – highlights a number of cultural realities. For example, there is no direction translation for hello in the Lugandan language. There really is not a one-word standard greeting. People always ask “oli otya?” (How are you?) or “ki kati?” (What’s up?) or “ogambaki?” (What do you say?). This simple linguistic difference accentuates profound cultural differences. In Uganda, people do not run by each other and throw out a one or two-word greeting; people stop and actually talk to each other about their welfare and days.

Another example is that when greeting people, Ugandans always say “gyebale,” which literally translates to ‘thank you for the work you do.’ No matter the nature of the work done, people believe it is important to thank each other for their work. This significant part of customary Ugandan life is visible only with a linguistic lens to understand the quotidian greetings.

Such linguistic insights raise a myriad of queries about how languages are constructed, how they evolve and how we learn them. The literature on linguistic study is actually rich and bountiful, ranging from scientific theories on linguistic cognition to studies on the intricacies of political semantic manipulation. Unfortunately, such critical literature and study are generally homeless in the modern American university.

The result of such a failed awareness of linguistics is dangerous because language is constantly being manipulated and controlled all around us, deeply impacting the politico-economic systems in which we operate. The language utilized (very selectively and consciously) by the leaders of such systems is meant to shape the way we perceive debates, issues, problems and even the whole of the world.

Here in Uganda, the president Youweri Museveni is a master of such careful semantic maneuvering. As the political system attempts to shift from a one-party state to one of multipartyism, Museveni refuses to admit that the Movement (the one party of the one-party state) is a party. He calls it an organization to give it an elevated status over the other political parties.

Further, Museveni constantly speaks of the weakness of the forming political parties, implying with his language that their victory will bring the country back to the dark chapters of its history under Milton Obote and Idi Amin. Museveni’s lingustic prowess allows him to subtly pervade fear amongst the population, which will most likely ensure his continued hegemony. Similarly, our own president has exhibited his own linguistic aptitude/exploitation, especially last year during the electoral season.

It is not only an academic oversight to miss the linguistic dimensions of each field, but it also quite dangerous. Without awareness and sensitization, we can easily be coerced and misguided by the linguistic scheming of individuals and groups. The way that the majority of the American population blindly accepted the Bush Administration’s pre-Iraq war justification is a key example.

Yet along with guarding against such abuse, consciousness of linguistics is empowering and emboldening. Linguistic awareness and proficiency can help us to challenge systems of injustice, exploitation and violence.

Writers with the power of pen (or computer keyboard in recent decades) can change the hearts and minds of millions simply with the right assortment of words. Speechwriters and performers can dazzle the emotions of masses with their phrases and appeals. Movements, selecting the right language, can challenge even the mightiest structures of oppression. Most of all, recipients of such writings, media and speeches can become more informed, critical individuals.

Notre Dame may not get a linguistics department any time soon, but that does not mean professors and students alike cannot work to enhance our attentiveness to the evident linguistic dynamics at work all around us. Study of language will empower us to build a healthier, more participatory democracy in our own country and throughout the world. With the conglomeration of power by the political and economic elite throughout the globe, the demand for such informed citizenry could not be greater.

This is What a Police State Looks Like - A Watershed for the Pearl of Africa

2005-04-02T09:54:00.000+01:00

The madness of the Ugandan political climate continues on. As I alluded to in my last posting, there was an opposition protest completely repressed by the police this week. I was not at the protest, so I cannot give first-hand accounts, but according to the newspapers, a few hundred people gathered at Constitutional Square Thursday late morning to protest against the repeal of the term limits that would allow President Youweri Museveni to stay in power (he has already been in power for 19 years). The government had made a dubious statement that Tuesday that there would be no more demonstrations, so there was fear that Thursday's demonstration would be violently repressed by the police. And it was.

The police used tear gas to clear the entire area, and riot police with large guns and masks patrolled the area for about four hours on big army trucks. They told people in that area (the center of town) to close their shops and return home. There were also gunshots, and luckily it is reported that no one was shot. They sprayed tear gas in powder form from large trucks, and the tear gas could be felt within a mile radius of the square.

Last week, there was such hope as police allowed anti-government groups to demonstrate and march peacefully for the first time in 20 years. That hope was shattered on Thursday as the government resorted to its old tactics of oppression and intimidation. With elections one year away, this is a bad sign for what lies ahead in the coming year. Hopefully, the international community and press will be able to monitor intensely and pressure for fairness and openness surrounding the elections.

As I wrote in an earlier posting, Uganda faces a watershed moment where it could either step toward democracy and economic growth or plunge into an abyss of internal conflict and violence. This week, I interviewed a number of MPs from opposition group about the coming elections and the political shift towards multipartyism. Many of them were hopeful and passionate, but they all spoke of doom if Museveni manipulates the process and wins a third term with violent coercion.

Yesterday, one woman parliamentarian, when I asked her about what happens if Museveni gets his wish and manipulates the process, did not blink an eye and told me, "bloodshed." She continued, "Personally I don't believe in using violence for politics, but I will not attempt to persuade anyone who thinks differently. We (the opposition) have waited and struggled peacefully and democratically for 20 years, but at some point, the waiting must stop. If this president defies the very constitution he made, the time for democratic change will have run out." This seems to be the dominant perception.

It is definitely an interesting time to be in Uganda, and an important time to be following the news about Uganda. The international community, which contributes 48-52% of the revenue of the national budget holds a great deal of power that it can use to influence the direction of the east African nation as it approaches the watershed. Let's hope and act that it will use that power positively for the good of the people of Uganda.

The World is on Fire - Update of my last 25 days in Uganda

2005-03-31T17:36:00.000+01:00

When greeting someone in Luganda (the native language of Buganda, the central region of Uganda), there is no direct translation for hello. There is no one-word standard greeting. People always ask 'oli otya?' (how are you?) or 'ki kati?' (what's up?) or 'ogambaki?' (what do you say?) This simple linguistic difference highlights profound cultural differences. In Uganda, people do not run by each other and throw out one or two-word greetings; people stop and actually talk to the each other about their days, well-being, etc. It seems to me to create a much more humane, communal culture. So, ogambaki?

The task of synthesizing my last 25 days in Uganda into some 400-600 words is quite daunting. Not only has a great deal happened, but I find myself still trying to process and make sense of it all. Therefore, this will simply be a brief run through the highlights (and low-lights); if you want to read more, I have been trying to keep updating my weblog.

In the beginning of the month, I traveled to Lira District in northern Uganda, a part of the country that has been ravaged by the 18-year old conflict. Over nearly the last two decades, the Lord's Resistance Army, an apocalyptic-spiritual rebel group made up primarily of abducted children (20,000-25,000 over the course of the conflict) has terrorized the northern regions of Uganda, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and more than 1.4 million people living in internally-displaced peoples camps. The stories of abduction, rape and terror of the conflict are unbearable. I will put one such grotesque story at the end of the email if you want to read it.*

I visited two of the camps in Lira town, and the situation is heartwrenching and abominable. At one of the camps, people are sprawled inside and outside an old factory; living amongst rusty, dirty machinery. Children, viciously malnourished and without education, run around in the dirt and rust. Mothers breast-feed their babies in broken-down cars and sleep in the dirt. The lucky families sleep in small huts or tents, most which lack roofs, thereby the ground on which they sleep becomes wet and muddy when it rains. The people are starving, without clean water and living in destabilizing fear. One old woman with tears in her eyes told me, "We have no food. People are starving everywhere...We are hopeless people. In many ways, we are already dead." When I was leaving, I promised the people I would return (which I will be in one week) to conduct interviews and document their stories. One man told me, "I hope we are alive when you return."

As I walked around the camp, I wanted to cry, vomit, to break down. The camps were by far the most horrifying site I have ever seen in my life. Never in my life have I imagined that people can live in such brutal, dehuman conditions. When I returned to my hotel, I did break down. I had trouble breathing and controlling my thoughts. How is it possible for such horrific mass suffering to be happening while the world stands by in complete silence and inaction? If you want to do something, please send money to a relief organization like the Red Cross or especially contact your representatives and tell them you want them to work for peace in northern Uganda.

With my independent study project, which I am starting work on this week and will be working on for the next six weeks, I am looking at the political issues surrounding the war in northern Uganda. One of the main causes of the war is a massive north-south divide perpetuated by an oppressive one-party government that has fomented regional inequalities dating back to the colonial days of Uganda. Uganda is undergoing critical political transition/crisis these days (read about it in my blog if you're interested), which will have substantial impact on the policy debate regarding peace in the north. I am interviewing parliamentarians, opposition party leaders, IDPs in the north, civil society leaders and others to study the relationship between this political crisis and prospects for peace in the north.

A week after visiting the north, I traveled with my group to eastern Uganda, where we lived in a rural homestay and studied the intricacies of rural life in Uganda. This was quite a fascinating week and a big challenge for this not-so-rural guy. I lived in a mud hut with big spiders and a whole assortment of unidentifed large insects. Thank God for mosquito nets. The week had its comical moments - drinking millet beer with the village men with wooden stick straws out of a communal bowl and racing Ugandans barefoot across a field as hundreds of school children looked on - but it was also difficult to live so simply. And the rural life really is so simple in the sense that the people have to think about and attain things that you and I take granted everyday, such as water. Considering that most of the world lives in such village conditions, it was definitely an educating week.

Returning to Kampala, we had a formal academic week of Luganda exams and papers. The week found excitement, however, in a handful of protests that happened in the center of the city concerning the constitutional amendment bill currently being debated in Parliament. The bill is attempting to take away two-term limits currently placed on the president. I followed the protests, interviewing participators and organizers of the demonstrations. If you're interested, I posted information and findings on my blog. The opposition protest was pretty phenomenal because it was the first opposition protest in 20 years that was not repressed by government. That was a hopeful day, but unfortunately today a second opposition protest was completely repressed by police who use massive amounts of tear gas to clear the center of the city. As a man on the streets told me, "See, there is no democracy in Uganda."

I know that some people complain that these updates are so political and not so personal, but it is impossible to be apolitical in Uganda these days. The country is really approaching a watershed moment where it could plunge into massive conflict and turmoil or move towards a more hopeful, democratic future of national reconciliation. I spoke about the future of Uganda with one of the heads of the opposition parties here, the Forum for Democratic Change. I wrote a bit about that on my blog too if you're interested.

But as for me, I am fascinated, horrified and most of all, provoked. There is always something new to think about, learn or realize here in Uganda. I find myself amazed and overwhelmed by the contradictions and paradoxes so apparent here and all over the world. Sometimes, I become so enraged at the war, the suffering, the poverty. And yet I love so many things here - the godly fruits, the crazy taxi park, the friendly people, the beautiful countryside, the newspapers, chapati (this salty bread food that is common here) and more. Most of all, I have been so lucky to have a great homestay family that has taught me so much. They are great people and I hope I will stay in touch with them even after I have left this place in just six weeks.

Well as usual, I have written far too much. Please send me updates from your ends of the world. Thanks for everyone who has thrown me a line here or there; it means a lot.

And gyebale. In English, that means "thank you for the work you do." When greeting someone in Uganda, people always thank each other for the work they do. The more I become accustomed to it, the more I like it. It is important that we recognize the work of each other, no matter what we do with our days and lives. I wanted to end this email thanking all of you for the work you do. Gyebale wherever this email finds you and whatever it finds you doing.

I once read somewhere that the world is on fire. I have never been more convinced that it is. Yet, when we stand together and embrace one another across borders and oceans and divides, I have never been more convinced that we can calm the fire. Maybe never end it, but calm it. Tame it even.

*From a nine-year old escaped abductee -
CAUTION: this account is difficult to read and very graphic.

"There is nothing that I liked there. They collect all the children together and make you beat someone to death. Once there were about seven who tried to escape, including two girls. The commander decided not to kill the girls. He picked one boy to be killed. He placed his head on a piece of wood. He told one of the girls to come and chop this boy to small pieces. She started trying to cut his head off, but was not doing a good job. The other boys were told to help. When they had almost taken the head off, they had to chop the body into small pieces. Then they were told to play with the dead person's head. The boys had to throw it in the air four times, and the girls three times. The girls were bare-chested. After that, they commanded the girls to smear blood of the dead boy on their chest. After that, they put the head of the boy in a central place, put clubs all over it covering the head, and informed us that anyone who tries to escape will have the same thing."

Happy Easter and a New Column on Protests

2005-03-28T12:53:00.000+01:00

First off - Happy Easter. I wrote a scathing reflection to a friend the other day on how we are privileged to have hope in resurrection that comes after suffering when so many people throughout this world know just Good Friday and unjustified suffering. Yet, I think we have to have hope or else it would be impossible to live with sanity in this troubled world with so many contradictions. And it is always good to gather in community to share and be merry.

Yesterday, my family here gathered for a massive feast of classic Ugandan foods - chicken, beef, pork, rice, amatookye (plantines), macaroni, special groundnut sauce, cabbage and more. It was a really great day and we had a lot of fun. Ugandans really have such a strong sense of family, and their extended families are very close-knit. I have really been lucky to have such a great homestay family, the Semakulas. They are really good people.

Now I am beginning the period of my program where I do my independent study project. I am researching current government policy towards peace in northern Uganda (the so-called "military solution") and looking at alternatives presented by opposition parties as the political system of the country shifts towards multipartyism.

I also just finished a piece for The Observer (the Notre Dame student newspaper) that should come out this Wednesday. It is a bit radical and I am not sure I accept all the ramifications of what I wrote, but I think the idea is an important and challenging one. It is one that I have been thinking about a lot since seeing the protests here last week. Well, here it is:

"Inject Potency into American Protests"
To be printed in The Observer on Wednesday, March 30th

In recent decades, protests as a form of political expression in America have become ineffectual, impotent social gatherings. The typical modern demonstration musters crowds in a police-permitted area to listen to speeches they already agree with, sing the usual protest hymns and perhaps march down the sidewalk sure not to bother traffic. And for protests at Notre Dame, add or substitute a prayer vigil and a candlelight march. While these events are valuable at times in rallying activists, they have overwhelmingly become spineless, trivial vehicles for true political and social change.

Last week, I found myself in the middle of Uganda’s first non-repressed opposition protest in twenty years. I have been to my share of demonstrations in recent years, but this one had a very different feel than the typical American rally. To begin, the hundreds of people that gathered at Constitutional Square faced the very real risk of being repressed, imprisoned and even shot by police. In recent history, the police have shot at crowds gathered to protest against the Ugandan government.

The demonstration last Thursday was organized by the Popular Resistance Against Life Presidency, a youth coalition of the different opposition groups here working to stop a constitutional amendment bill that will repeal presidential term limits. Posters at the rally read, "Time out for Dictator in Africa" and "We are fighting for a transparent, non-corrupt government, No to Third Term." One I found particularly interesting read, "Bush, why are you quiet?"

The rally began with speeches at the square, followed by a march to the Parliament down the main roads of Kampala, blocking traffic for almost an hour. The hundreds marched, danced and sang in the streets, while many bystanders on the sidewalk cheered. They marched to Parliament, where they were greeted by a number of parliamentarians from opposition parties.

At the rally, the passion and zeal of the participants was palpable. Their very presence at the protest in such a repressive political climate is a testament to their willingness to sacrifice for their beliefs. One protestor told me they were not afraid of the police. One organizer of the rally whom I interviewed told me, "We have a program of two years to change this government democratically, but if they repress us, we will lose patience and we will be forced to storm Parliament and stage a revolution."

Witnessing this event, I was inspired by the courage of the protestors. By taking to the streets, they were sending a clear, loud message to the political establishment that their demands could not be ignored. And those holding power and even the general public, witnessing the individual sacrifices of the action, cannot disregard such resolve.

The difference between the typical modern American protest and those happening in poor repressive nations throughout the world is that the latter requires individual sacrifice. From Zimbabwe to Cambodia to Burma to China, patriots are risking their own lives, daring to face the barrel of the gun as they stand for liberty, freedom and justice. This is not to praise those nations, but to praise the activists who dare to defy in such repressive cultures. In the United States and many other richer nations, it has become too easy to protest. Consequently, the efficacy of protests has become paltry.

Throughout the history of United States, effectual protests have played a critical role, dating back to the days of the American Revolution when a few brave Bostonians dared to throw tea over a ship. That history runs through movements for women’s suffrage, workers’ rights, civil rights and more. In each of these movements that we now celebrate, protest actions played such an important role.

Yet today, when more than five hundred thousand in the United States and ten million people throughout the world took to the streets on February 15, 2003 to protest against the Iraq war, President Bush was easily able to dismiss the gatherings as a "focus group." While it is great that America has become a less repressive political atmosphere that allows protests, a major casualty has been that protests have become trivial in our times.

Activists have failed to intelligently adapt and organize demonstrations to challenge power structures. Even more, concerned citizens have lacked the courage to take risks for their convictions. As result, politicians and the elite have been able to act manipulatively and coercively under the cloak of an open political space. Which is worse: an environment that allows political expression but does not take it seriously or an environment that simply suppresses political action?

Of course, the latter is worse because people die for holding signs or wearing shirts, but the question challenges us to reevaluate the role of protests as a tool of real political action in our nation. If we are serious about changing problems that exist, we have to be serious about the actions we take to challenge them and the systems that entrench them.

This can even begin at Notre Dame, where activist groups have become far too content with prayer vigils or filling South Quad with crosses. In the late 1960s, students took over the administration building, blocked traffic and took other acts of civil disobedience for their convictions. Why can such high-risk high-sacrifice actions not happen today? They must if we are to see real change.

Protests, Part II - Easter Reflections

2005-03-25T12:14:00.000Z

It is impossible to be apolitical in Uganda these days. For someone interested in politics, there is no more fascinating place to be these days than Uganda. Thursday confirmed that for me.

First, in response to the protest by the pro-Movement people on Monday, the opposition groups rallied for a anti-third term demonstration yesterday.This medley of about one thousand people, represented different political parties and universities in Kampala. It was impressive that they were able to turn out so many people for the event given the history of public dissent in Uganda.

In the past when opposition groups protest, they are repressed by police forces and some people are usually shot. It is a testament to the conviction of these people that they take such sacrifices to have their voices heard. Luckily, there was no repression or violence yesterday, making it the first peaceful opposition demonstration allowed in twenty years.

The rally began here at Constitutional Square at 1 pm. Different groups mustered on the field with their homemade signs (different than the highly-organized government protest on Monday), whistles, trumpets and passion. And there was so much passion. People were shouting, dancing and yelling. They kept saying 'agende,' which translates: 'he goes.' The 'he' being Museveni. Signs read: "We are fighting for a transparent, non-corrupt government, No to Third Term," "Time out for Dictator in Africa," "Donors We Still Need You," and "Museveni shame on you for the third term."

When I interviewed a few of the students, they were fiery and committed, claiming that Museveni is "changing the constitution to entrench a dictatorship." They criticized the Movement's tactics of intimidation and violence, not allowing true democracy. One guy told me, "We have a program of two years to change the government democratically, but if they repress us, we will lose patience and we will be forced to stage a revolution...We cannot be slaves in our own country."

The passionate group listened to speeches at the square by a number of MPs in the newly-formed opposition group, the Forum for Democratic Change. They then marched to the British High Commission, followed by Parliament. It was quite a sight to watch this mass of people move across the main streets of the city, cheered by many on the sidewalk. In a society where the political space can be stifling, this event was highly hopeful. The courage of these who dare to challenge the powerholders through the democratic process is highly inspiring.

Earlier in the day, I visited with a Parliamentarian from Soroti District in northern Uganda. She is also a member of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change. She told me about how government military approach to the northern conflict is only perpetuating the conflict, pushing more and more people into IDP camps. The people in her area overwhelmingly desire a peaceful amnesty approach to end the conflict. She told me that violence never ends war, it only attacks the symptoms of the problem. The FDC is promoting a platform of national reconciliation leading to a national dialogue that it believes can stop some of the harsh, violent regionalism in Uganda.

Later in the day, I ended up having coffee for two hours with the vice-chairman of the FDC, which was definitely one of the highlights of my time here. He was an extremely friendly and welcoming man, but more than that, he was a principled visionary really committed to the good of this country. He told me how northern policy is not putting the plight of the people first. He then told me about how FDC seeks to establish democratic processes and institutions in this country to provide true security. "We believe the security of the weak is only in democracy and freedom."

He told me, "One thing this country needs to see done is to entrench democracy because our politics have consistently been the politics of taking advantage." He said the FDC is trying to speak about values, not criticism. And he is hopeful that if the government does not use violent, they can succeed in pushing constitutionalism and winning the election. The big challenge now for FDC is to get funding just to move around the country projecting their message and vision. They are up against a foe that controls all the money and power in the state.

There are certain people in my life that I have met that have left me in awe, such as Desmond Tutu. This man, Honorable Professor Ogenga-Latigo is added to that list. I left coffee filled with hope and inspiration, a big contrast to how I felt on Tuesday after witnessing the ineptitude of Parliament. It was truly an honor to meet him and speak with him. Politics is a dirty business, but it can be a source of good and hope with the right principles and a vision that puts the good of the people first.

Sometimes I wonder why some of us go to churches on Good Friday when we can see the crucifixion of Jesus all around us in people dying of diseases, poverty, corruption and violence. If we open our eyes, we are certainly not lacking to see injustice. I just wonder where we find Easter, though, in such a troubled world.

For me, I saw such hope in a man daring to defy the odds and sacrifice tirelessly for the good of his people. We need such Easters of real-life hope that arise in our hearts and minds to push us towards action for a more just and humane world. We have far too many Good Fridays everyday all around the world.

About the Author - A Break from the Political Madness to Look at the Personal Madness

2005-03-23T14:36:00.000Z

Some people have been writing me telling me they want less political journalism in my writings and more about how I am faring personally in the pearl of the continent. To me, that is quite boring, but I will appease them with a bit of personal jibberjabber here for a moment.

So, I am well. Or as well as can be. Truth be told, I find myself now torn in the midst of a land of contradictions and seeming paradoxes. On the one hand, I am depressed. I am still haunted by what I saw in the North, which totally overwhelmed me. I am still disgusted by the mismanagement, repression and corruption of the state her. I am still outraged at the slums, the poverty, the disease that run rampant throughout this place. I am still shocked that the international community can be silent and even complicit in systematic crimes. When you amass that all together, it poses a bleak picture, highlighting the worst of humanity.

Yet, while I despair, I also enjoy. I am enjoying myself immensely. I love this land and I love the people, who are funny, friendly and passionate. I still cannot help but smile when I begin to descend down the steps into old taxi park, the center of all madness. I love the fruits, I love my homestay family, I love what I am studying. Every morning, I want to get out of bed and see what this day will bring. And the whole experience is empowering, it accentuates for me how much power we hold as small individuals to learn, to criticize, to work for change in hopeless situations.

Maybe the best word for my current feeling is wonder. Last weekend, I was sitting on the banks of the Nile River, eating an avocado, peanut butter, cheese and tomato sandwich, and just thinking about the enormity of the world. Every night when I walk to my home, I look out on the African sky, and the stars always strike a chord of awe. When I stop and think, I realize how small and insignificant we are in world of such complexity, diversity and enormity. It's awesome, really.

So I am well or as well as one can be in a troubled world where kids are being abducted, raped and killed just 100 miles north of you. And I am loving living here, though it is very difficult and trying day by day. Such tension really. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote of "creative tension" that he believed brings about real change and growth. So maybe I am growing or even changing.

Nadia Stekfo, my dear friend now rabble-rousing in Washington D.C. said it best in an email to me: "It's a strange, strange world." And it truly is. That's about all I want to say definitely at this moment.

The Story of a Booming Ugandan Protest and a Wannabe Journalist

2005-03-21T15:22:00.000Z

As I have written many times before, Kampala is a a bustling city full of suprises. Today, I walked upon my latest surprise and story - a massive, lively political protest for the repeal of term limits in the Ugandan constitution. I was on my way to get a haircut/beard trim, but my facial hair will have to wait another day because this protest was too much to miss.

To contextualize quickly, there is a major debate going on in Uganda over a constitutional amendment to massively overhaul the 1995 constitution. The biggest piece of this "omnibus" bill is to repeal term limits, allowing President Youweri Museveni, leader of the country for the last 19 years, to seek reelection again in the 2006 elections. Museveni, the leader of the Movement (the major dominant political entity/party in Uganda) has control of the army and loads of money, allowing him to dominate the political landscape. The truth is that he has certainly done much good for the country in 19 years, bringing economic growth and stability. Many of the people, conscious of Uganda's dark violent history pre-1986, support him out of fear of instability.

Yet, Museveni and the Movement have resorted in recent years to oppressive, corrupt and coercive practices stifling the political space in Uganda. A case can and is being made by some brave Ugandans that it is time for serious change. More than that, however, many argue (as I did in a recent editorial that you can see earlier in the blog) that changing the constitution to repeal executive checks and balances will only lead to dictatorship and further political oppression. The debate is now in Parliment and dominates the newspapers here.

The "third term campaign" (also called the kisanja - banana leaves as symbol of the third term) has received loads of support from the existing political establishment. Today, the protest I saw was a mass of a few hundred people, many draped in kisanja leaves, holding signs supporting Museveni. Many of their signs were calling for foreigners to stay out of African politics (in recent weeks, many in British Parliament have made strong statements against the constitutional change). Signs included some of the following messages - "Museveni is a Freedom Fighter not an Actor," "We Fought for our Freedom, we died as you looked on, keep off," or "We are tired of neo-colonialism." Interestingly, all of the signs were handed out to the participants by the organizers of the rally.

After gathering, the few hundred (called a few thousands by organizers of the demonstration that I spoke with), marched to the British High Commission near Parliament, where they submitted a letter of protest and demanded the British high official to address them. When they were refused at first, they threatened to storm the gates. Finally, an agreement of sorts was reached, stopping potential violence. The people moved to Parliament, where they rallied for some time.

The mob was highly passionate - they were dancing, yelling, holding signs and marching. The majority of the crowd were university and secondary students. Acting like a journalist, I interviewed a few of the university leaders as they marched. One told me, "Power belongs to the people...no other foreign countries should interfere in our affairs, power belongs to us and we will decide how our government works." Another leader told me with a fire in his eyes, "This is an independent state, and no state should intervene according to the UN charter...we will not sit back ad watch foreigners impose their will on us...We are people, we are the critical mass, and we will determine the direction of our state."

It was fascinating to be there to watch this event and talk to these people. Uganda stands in muddy political waters with a major contentious debate that is firing up people on both sides. Of course, only those kisanja supporters are given the freedom to protest and express their views publically. The opposition protests have been suppressed, violently at times. The Ugandan political space is highly oppressive with the powerholders exercising their will openly to ensure that their voices dominate the arena. If you want to know my take on the debate, read the article I wrote two weeks ago.

That was the highlight of the day. In other news, I am focusing my research on the question of how multipartyism is presenting (or not) alternatives to the current government military approach to peace in northern Uganda. I am really excited to get immersed in that starting next week after we finish Luganda exams this week.

Cheers across the rivers and lakes and seas.

Reports from the East

2005-03-20T15:49:00.000Z

Well, I am back from eastern Uganda after quite an eventful and trying week. I will just try to give a few highlights here. Best wishes to all of you across the globe.

The majority of the week was spent in rural villages, where each of us lived and researched in pairs. I lived in Yala Village in Buyengo Parish in Busia District, an area that lies right on the border of Uganda and Kenya. Almost all of the people in the area have relatives across the border. There are many intermarriages and trade across the border is quite prevalent. Actually, my area of research was the dynamics of this border trade. Ugandans transport a number of food products, such as maize, cassava and fish to Kenya, while a number of consumer products (ranging from soap to molasses used for the local alcohol) are transported from Kenya to Uganda. On our second day there, we crossed the border to see this trade first-hand. As we crossed the border (a series of plank bridges over swamp), we saw a pack of monkeys jump across the trees.

The majority of the people in rural eastern Uganda live in huts made of mud with thatch roofs. We lived in such huts, which was quite an experience because we shared the home with a random assortment of large spiders and other miscellaneous insects. We spent the days meeting with a whole range of people - fish sellers, shopkeepers, peasant farmers, traditional doctors, cattleherders, craftmakers, teachers and more. It was really insightful to see how the majority of Ugandans (and even most of the people in the world) live, work and relate in poor rural communities. Without such an understanding, it is foolish to even come to the table discussing development, international trade and all these other macro issues that dominate elite forums. I was so impressed with the local knowledge and skills that people in this community possessed. I think we have a tendency to stereotype the rural poor as ignorant, incapable and misguided. So untrue. It is their knowledge and capacity that should always be the foundation for true, sustainable development. There are countless examples of local people organizing themselves in groups to start successful economic initiatives, challenge political structures and solve massive problems.

The week was difficult, but full of so many funny moments and stories - drinking millet beer in a hut with the village men (they drink with long wooden stick straws from a communal bowl), hearing ancient stories from a 96-year old woman in the village, racing Ugandans barefoot as hundreds of primary school children cheered us, being swarmed by hundreds of schoolchildren fascinated by muzungus (white people) and so much more. I am not sure I am cut out for the rural life, but I will never forget the events of the last week.

Before traveling to Busia, we visited Sibi Falls in Mbale, also in eastern Uganda. These waterfalls in the midst of fields of bananas and coffee were absolutely stunning. On our way home from Busia we also visited the Nile River in Jinja town. It was such a rush to sit on the banks of the Nile, watching the rapids as we ate peanut butter, avocado, tomato and cheese sandwiches. Did I mention that the fruits here are godly?

There is so much more I could write and hope to write about the last week. I am back now in Kampala for the next three weeks. This morning, I slaughtered my first chicken (my family keeps hundreds of chicken as a small business for some income). This afternoon, I visited a photo exhibit about the northern conflict, which brought back a lot of the images and words and stories I experienced when I visited camps in Lira two weeks ago. It is horrific how such atrocities are happening just miles north of us here, and yet you can be in the rest of Uganda and have no awareness of it.

Awareness - it is so crucial in a world of such complexities and diversity and enormity. It is so easy to be blinded to things happening right around us, not to mention things happening all over our world. Yet, awareness is the great challenge of our lives. It is a way of living more than an end state. It is an attitude, an attitude that a troubled world deeply needs.

Opening Our Eyes to our Destructive Thinking

2005-03-11T15:01:00.000Z

So week six in Uganda is coming to an end. It is wild to think I have been here that long. Luckily I have learned a lot of the language and the city, which has opened my eyes to this place so much. I am sure the coming days will bring more and more eye-opening. Really, is that not what our lives are meant to be about - constantly opening our eyes more and more to the Truth of ourselves, our relationships, our world?

This Sunday, our group heads to the east to live in rural villages and conduct research. It will be a challenging experience, but definitely an eye-opening one. I will probably be out of contact for the week, but will report in once we return to Kampala on the weekend.

Two quick reflections - 1.) In the newspaper, one columnist wrote a phenomenal article on how foreign aid is actually doing more harm than good by supporting corrupt, dictatorial regimes in many nations. Aid, whether consciously or not, is so easily manipulated by existing leaders to maintain their power and control. In many poor countries, aid makes up more than half of the government's revenue. Without that revenue, many governments would fall apart. The question then is whether it is better to work within a stable status quo or allow natural events of uncertainty to prevai. Of course, the whole debate is complexified when we look at the world of power politics, and how aid often is in the interest of powerful countries because they promote structures of political and economic dependency. For example, the United States will give countries aid and trade as long as they use it to be part of U.S. trade agreements with U.S. partners. Aid often creates greater inequality and exploitation in poor countries. So, one has to wonder whether aid could be used in a more effective way to promote real, sustainable development for the poorest of the poor?

2.) There has been some writing in conservative circles of Europe, especially Britain, that Africa should be recolonized to fight the poverty, wars and suffering that currently exist. This is unbelievable and horrifying. Obviously these commentators completely ignore the harsh realities that happened and still happen as a result of colonialism. We are talking about genocide, slavery, brutal massacres, exploitation, etc? How can we be so historically ignorant to even discuss such things? Really such debate stems from a failure to seriously evaluate and read history. Further, voices from poor countries are suppressed from the debates. BBC did a special on the future of Africa, and only had one African on a forum of four. Why are the rich pool of scholars and commentators from Africa ignored? Our very way of analyzing and thinking can be destructive.

Well, cheers to all and best wishes from Kampala. Some food for thought today.

"Standing for Liberty in Uganda" - Upcoming Column

2005-03-10T16:02:00.000Z

Below is my latest piece, a column coming out in the student newspaper of the University of Notre Dame next Wednesday. It is about the controversial and destructive debate to end presidential term limits in Uganda. This issue is dominating the newspapers here in Kampala.

"Standing for Liberty in Uganda"
Observer Column for March 16, 2005

Dear President Bush,

In your second inaugural address this January, you said, “Today, American speaks anew to the peoples of the world. All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know the United States will not ignore our oppression or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.”

When I first heard these words I found myself highly cynical. While the language of ‘freedom’ has certainly been a priority of your administration post-9/11, I find our continued and even strengthened allegiances with nations such as Pakistan, Colombia, Saudi Arabia and Israel to be quite hypocritical. Not to mention that I consider our actions in Iraq and Iran to be less-than freedom-guided.

Yet while we may disagree on the means, I do believe, Mr. President, that you are committed to the end of a world of freedom. Thus, I am writing to you to ask you to live up to the words you proclaimed this January. In the country of Uganda, the United States has an opportunity to stand for democracy and freedom. We must seize the moment.

In Uganda, the Parliament is currently debating an omnibus constitutional amendment bill, which will eliminate the established two-term limit for the presidential office.

Advocates for the so-called kisanja (the symbol to end the term limits) argue that President Youweri Museveni, the president of Uganda since 1986, has done much good for the country and should be allowed to continue to bring prosperity to the country.

It is indisputable that Museveni has done much good, but it is also indisputable that the removal of term limits will be a massive blow to constitutionalism, democracy and rule of law in the “pearl of Africa.”

Since the debate began almost a year ago, Museveni and the so-called Movement (Museveni’s party that controls political and military power in Uganda) have been using tactics of suppression, propaganda and fear to gain the support of the population. They have repressed opposition voices. Just recently, the army beat up five opposition parliamentarians when they attempted to visit camps in the north for internally displaced peoples.

The newspapers here have reported that Museveni gave out five million Uganda shillings to every MP that promised to support the constitutional amendment. The Movement is also openly funding and training military youth brigades to work in the campaign.

Tactics of corruption and intimidation have scathed the parliamentary debate, basically ensuring that Museveni and his supporters will get what they seek. The people of Uganda, still conscious of the violent dictatorial regimes of Milton Obote and Idi Amin in the 1960s and 70s, choose stability and security over freedom and rule of law. When Museveni’s people frame the debate in terms of whether people are better than they were eighteen years ago, he will always win out of politics of fear.

On the surface, a repeal of the term limits is harmless, especially if it is allowing a popularly supported ruler to remain in office. However, the dark narrative in Africa of elected rulers overstaying their rule and becoming violent dictators is too vivid.

Repealing the accountability mechanisms in the constitution will only further weaken a deteriorating culture of constitutionalism that reeks of corruption and mismanagement. Many argue that Museveni’s hold on power has exacerbated the conflict in northern Uganda, a violent war that has left more than 1.6 million people displaced and hundreds of thousands killed, raped and abducted.

Just over a year ago, Ugandans voted to open the political space for multipartyism, hoping the political system would evolve into a culture of pluralism and transparency. The governance crises highlighted by the kisanja debate show that Uganda is far from such a political culture. Many believe that Uganda, with its blatant regional inequalities, stands at a watershed moment with mass violence lurking in the future.

If this constitutional amendment omnibus bill passes, it will totally transform the constitution of 1995, a constitution constructed in one of the most democratic fashions in all of Africa. The 1995 people’s constitution will become Museveni’s constitution, once again a political piece of paper easily manipulated for power politics. More and more, the barrel of the gun is substituting legality as the source of political legitimacy.

It appears inevitable that the amendment will pass and Museveni will be given another term and even more. The only hope that this tragedy can be averted is if international donors, whose donations make up more than 50% of Uganda’s revenue, utilize their power to pressure the government. The United States as a major donor in Uganda has a rare opportunity to exercise its power in the name of freedom. Not through bombs and wars, but through intense diplomacy and economic clout.

In this age, we have to recognize the resounding effects that a myriad of actions and inactions by the United States have throughout the world. Americans, contacting their representatives to demand action, can stand for liberty and justice in Uganda. By applying our power in positive ways, the United States can truly be a voice against oppression and injustice in the world.

Here in Uganda, many are daring to stand for liberty. President Bush, will we fulfill your pledge that the United States will stand with them? I certainly hope so.

Happy Women's Day, and a Brief History of the Northern Conflict

2005-03-08T13:43:00.000Z

First off, Happy International Women's Day! Being here in Uganda makes me realize how far we still have to go in achieving justice and equity for women. Let alone appreciation. Women in Uganda really are seen and treated as second-class citizens, especially outside the urban areas. Yet, while such blatant sexism exists throughout the world, I think it is the cloaked sexism that can be even more frustrating. For example, in the United States we think we have reached a level of gender equality. We certainly have made leaps and gains, but women still made only $0.70 to every $1 made by a man in the same line of work. Well, perhaps this might be a day to be constructively gender conscious and reflective. A day that could spur changes in attitudes, norms and behaviors. So, celebrate Women's Day!

It has been nice to be able to have a few consistent days writing in this blog, especially after my intense experience this weekend in Lira town. These days, I am studying grassroots development with an organization called Uganda Change Agent Association. UCAA trains people in a methodology of participatory, self-reliant development. It preaches conscientization, which awakens people to be critically aware and action in their lives and communities. Witnessing their change agents in rural communities has been challenging my cynicism about development. They are doing amazing work, helping people in rural communities to help themselves. Their approach seems to be the way for true, sustainable development - participatory, grassroots, self-reliant development from the bottom-up.

As promised, I also wanted to write a little about the conflict in the north, explaining briefly its historical roots. The north-south divide really extends back to the colonial period, when the British used the Baganda (south-central region of Uganda) as their colonial administrators. Thus, the Baganda, received lots of development aid and power, while the northern regions received little to no aid at the time. The harsh colonial structures gave rise to massive regional inequalities that persist today. Post-independence in 1962, the north gained power with the regimes of Milton Obote and Idi Amin, both of which were dictatorial regimes that violently suppressed the southern regions of Uganda (and the northern regions in some cases).

The tumultuous history of Uganda in its early decades set a precedent where rebellion or "going to the Bush" to fight violently for power became an accepted part of the political system. Thus, when Youweri Museveni and the NRA took power in 1986, many of the Acholi (northern ethnic group) formed rebel groups to fight against his southern-dominated regime. Museveni's army also terrorized the northern areas during their struggle for power. Museveni's NRA overtook the northern military groups, however some remained in the "bush" fomenting violence among the northern peoples. Over the next five years, that splinter group molded into the Lord's Resistance Group, an apolocalyptic-spiritual movement with unclear political objectives, led by the infamous former general Joseph Kony.

Since 1987 or so, Kony's small army has abducted children, forcing them to participate in his war as child soldiers. His army has also been terrorizing the northern regions, forcing people into IDP camps and killing hundreds of thousands. Museveni has shown little interest in peace, intentionally withholding aid from the north and showing little respect or security for the IDPs. Many believed that Museveni was the major impediment to peace. Of course, the conflict has changed over time, with many complexities.

However, there are really two aspects to it: 1.) a massive north-south divide with the northern people having major grievances towards a government that has blatantly ignored and oppressed them and 2.) a war between the brutal LRA and the innocent northern peoples, most forced into IDP camps. There have been significant peace efforts recently, but fighting has continued.

I have to stop there for now, but I will write more and fill in gaps in coming days. It is a horrifyingly complex conflict, deeply in need of international attention, pressure and action.

Hear the Cries of IDPs in Northern Uganda

2005-03-07T14:52:00.000Z

Uganda is home to one of the greatest paradoxes in the whole world. While relative peace and economic growth happen in the south, central and western regions of the country in a way hailed by much of the West as the success story of Africa, one of the most brutal and horrific conflict in modern human history wages in the northern regions. As I have mentioned before, more than 1.6 million people are pushed into IDP camps, where they face starvation, fear, insecurity, lack of clean water, lack of basic sanitation, poor or lacking housing and the worst of conditions. Hundreds of thousands more have been killed, abducted and raped. The whole picture is atrocious. It is hard not to vomit.

As I wrote yesterday, I traveled to two of the camps in the Lira district on Saturday, two camps in the municipality called Starch Factory and Erute Camp. In both of the camps, I was welcomed because the only hope for these people is that the international community will act. They believe justifiably that the government will continue to ignore their plight, and they fear that peace will not come anytime in the near future. I was able to interview some of the camp leaders, getting the following quotes and thoughts:

"We have no food. People are starving everywhere. The World Food Programme comes, but only distributes food to vulnerable peoples, like orphans, the disabled and the elderly. Yet, we are all vulnerable people. Starvation is the number one problem here."

"There are many abducted children in the camps, presenting major psychological challenges. Actually, everyone here is psychologially traumatized."

"Our roofes are broken, and when it rains, it soaks through to the mud where people sleep."

"We are a hopeless people. In many ways, we are already dead."

"The government has no plans for us. Even our local leaders have not come to visit the camps."

"We will support anyone right now as long as they get peace."

"Waves of people tried to return to the villages, but they were all killed and abducted. We have no hope of returning home. Even in these camps, we don't feel safe."

"I greatly fear for the generation of our children. Their future is totally blocked. Their future is ruined. Our children are paralyzed."

It is truly awful and disturbing. Today, I am still vividly haunted by these words and the horrific images that accompanied them. How can people be forced to live in such despair and degradation? And how can we remain silent aware of such mass suffering? More than images and quotations, however, I find myself acutely recalling my own feelings walking through the camp - wanting to break down and cry, feeling hopeless and miserable, needing to vomit. I have never seen anything so violently dehumanizing in my life.

Like I wrote yesterday, I continue my plea to all who come across the blog: spread the awareness, donate money and most of all, contact government leaders to put pressure on action for peace in northern Uganda. When I was leaving one camp, I told the people that I will return in April to conduct interviews (and I will be for one week), and one man said to me, "I hope we will be alive when you return."

To the North and Back - Oh, the Horror

2005-03-06T14:20:00.000Z

I am not sure I am really ready to write about this, but I will give it a try. Yesterday, I traveled north to Lira district in the north of Uganda, a district that has been affected deeply by the Northern conflict. Thanks to a contact at the Red Cross, I was able to tour the camps for internally displaced peoples in Lira town. Due to the 18-year old conflict in Uganda, more than 1.6 million people are displaced. The number killed, abducted, raped, kidnapped and psychologically traumatized is unknown, but easily in the hundreds of thousands.

The camps were by far the most horrifying site I have ever experience in my life. Never have I seen conditions so unhuman. In the first of two camps I visited, people were living around an abandoned factory. Some live in one-room mud huts with broken straw roofs (one household to a hut, even if the household includes 13 people). In these huts, people sleep on the dirt ground, even on nights when the rain soaks through their broken roofs. The majority of people, however, sleep outside on the ground in the dirt, or on the hardwood floors of the factory. I saw families living in and around dirty, rusty machines; children playing around in the soot, mud, putting trash in their mouths. In these camps, most people are starving. Most have had family members abducted or killed by the Lord's Resistance Army. Some children who were kidnapped and abducted by the LRA have returned to their families in the camp, presenting huge psychological challenges. Everyone in the camp faces massive psychological trauma. The families would all like to return to their homes, but if they do, they know they will be killed and their children abducted by the LRA.

The pain of these people is immense, yet their needs remain basic: jerrycans, blankets, tarps for roofes, food, basic medicine, pit latrines, clean water, educational services for their children. Yet, these basic needs remain unmet. The people I spoke with have no hope that peace will come or the government will suddenly start caring about their plight. Their only hope, according to them, is the international community, but they are not holding their breaths. They are a hopeless, forgotten people, too aware that they may not even make it until tomorrow.

As I listened to the leaders of the camp and walked through them, I wanted to cry, to vomit, to break down. When I finally got back to my hotel, I fell on my bed, having trouble breathing or controlling my thoughts. It was traumatizing just to walk through these camps and see that there are people in the world actually living in such conditions on the brink of mass death. It is hard for me even now to put the images and my thoughts into words. In the coming days, I will post some of my interviews at the camp on the blog, along with putting the conflict into a context for it truly is a complex, dark affair with many criminal parties, a long history and most of all: countless victims.

If after reading this you want to help, I recommend donating to the Red Cross specifically for their relief in the Northern Disaster. Yet more importantly, contact your local representatives (emails, letters, phone calls) to tell them to look into what the United States (or whatever country to hail from) can do for peace in northern Uganda.